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De la prise de Constantinople en 1453 à la conquête ottomane des territoires mamelouks en 1517, l’ordre géopolitique de la Méditerranée orientale connaît une reconfiguration rapide. Face à l’expansion ottomane accélérée dans le sud des Balkans, le Stato da Mar vénitien se renforce et croît légèrement. Il en résulte la constitution de frontières et de zones de contact nombreuses entre ces deux puissances inégales mais que réunissent des intérêts économiques ainsi que le souci politique d’administrer des provinces voisines. Étudier les contacts entre ces deux puissances dans ces décennies de transition ne signifie donc pas observer les rapports entre des blocs politiques homogènes, mais au contraire comprendre comment s’organisent les échanges et les circulations entre des territoires où l’autorité impériale s’exerce de façon différenciée.Cette recherche navigue entre capitales et provinces. De la Dalmatie jusqu’à l’est de la mer Égée, on repère en effet des formes de diplomatie frontalière, permises par la relative autonomie des autorités et des sociétés locales, ainsi que l’existence de stratégies pour s’adapter à la présence croissante des marchands ottomans. Derrière les promesses des capitulations se dessine ainsi une histoire politique et sociale des contacts dont la gestion se met en place à différentes échelles, par un système de co-administration appelé à une certaine pérennité, ce qui permet d’évaluer à quel point les connexions impériales transforment aussi les sociétés qu’elles concernent. / From the capture of Constantinople in 1453 to the Ottoman conquest of Mamluk territories in 1517, the geopolitical order of the Eastern Mediterranean was quickly reconfigurated. Facing the accelerated Ottoman expansion in the South Balkans, Venice consolidated its power on the Stato da Mar and slightly extended its maritimes territories. As a result, large borders and contact zones were created between these two unequal powers who nonetheless shared economic interests as well as a political concerns for governing provinces often in neighbouring positions. Studying the contacts between these two powers in the years of transition is not a monolithic attempt to examine the relations between two homogeneous political bodies, but rather to understand how exchanges and circulations worked between territories where Imperial authority was unequally effective on the ground.This research navigates between the capital-cities and the provinces. The various forms of border diplomacy spread from Dalmatia to the East of the Aegean were enabled by the relative autonomy of local authorities and societies, while institutions were also adapting to the growing presence of Ottoman merchants. Behind the promises of the peace treaties emerges therefore a political and social history of contacts governed simultaneously at several levels, which fostered a long-lasting system of co-administration. This leads us to examine to what point Imperial connexions had an impact on the very societies they connected.

The effectiveness and the sustainability of the Holy Roman Empire remained a subject of debate over the past two centuries. While nationalist historians derided the lack of centralized institutions, revisionist historians after the Second World War largely stressed the positive aspects of the Empire. The Reichskammergericht and the Reichshofrat were two of the institutions that experienced this positive reassessment. While most historians focused on the effectiveness of the Reich courts during the existence of the Empire, few have examined the perception of the courts immediately after the demise of the Empire in 1806. This thesis analyzes the perception of the courts through the eyes of leading politicians (including Humboldt, Hardenberg, and Stein) to reinforce the argument that these institutions were valued. Since the courts played a pivotal role in the Holy Roman Empire, it is more than likely that these individuals had a generally favorable view of the Holy Roman Empire as well. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (MA)--Florida Atlantic University, 2021. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The degree to which Nazi Germany and the other Axis powers can be understood within the framework of the European nineteenth century colonial/imperial projects has, in recent years, been a controversial topic in historiography. In this thesis, I coin the term “connections literature” to describe this emergent body of academic work. While scholars such as Jurgen Zimmerer have argued for a direct causal link, others, such as Roberta Pergher and Mark Roseman, have focused on a broader conceptualization of the Nazis as Empire builders. Although this thesis agrees more with the latter than the former, it takes a rather different approach to this question of “connections.” In this thesis I trace the writings of two colonized intellectuals who addressed this question during the 1930s: Jawaharlal Nehru and George Padmore. For them, it was not that Nazism/fascism and Western colonialism/imperialism were exactly the same; rather, what they felt needed to be highlighted was the fact that the general Western public did not perceive the general similarities between the two. That is, Western pundits condemned Nazi/fascist attacks on civil liberties and democracy while ignoring similar activities within their own empires. For Padmore and Nehru, the main reason for the inability of the British public to perceive the general similarities between the two was their “ignorance of the realities of empire.” In this thesis, I trace the origins of the “connections” debate. I reveal the fact that this debate had its origins in a discourse focused on demonstrating the fact that very basic moral similarities between Nazism/colonialism were/are not recognized amongst the general British/Western public because of a lack of knowledge of the “realities of empire.” Modern historiographical debates on this topic are heirs to this earlier discourse and should be aware of its origins. / Graduate

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As the economic, political, and cultural forces of globalization continue to proliferate throughout the international community, the concept of sovereignty will be increasingly challenged with the task of grappling with the problems of governing these forces. This thesis examines Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's characterization of how globalization will be governed — imperial sovereignty — in their vast work, Empire. In doing so, Michel Foucault's theoretical construct of bio-power is analyzed as it relates to the constitution of sovereignty, and how it subsequently can benefit international relations theorists' understanding of how power may be implemented to help effectively govern, protect, and promote life on a global scale. Yet, Empire is not without its shortcomings. Its nebulous take on imperial sovereignty is too ephemeral; there is no conception of a center to Empire, no institutional arrangements that articulate the use of power. The role of "big players" such as the United States must be taken into consideration in addressing the future prospects of governing the forces of globalization and the populations exposed to these forces. Ultimately, it appears that the best hopes for such governance lies in wedding the national self-interests of states in seeking security to the use of international institutions for more humanitarian intervention. Such a union grants force and structure to an international community otherwise devoid of authority and order. / Master of Arts

Empire is an emotionally and historically charged term. However, its usage throughout time to describe states' and peoples' behavior towards others is a display of the vitality in the term's etymological construction. Today, the United States must reexamine itself through a historically grounded imperial lens in order to create more beneficial set of policies; by refining its strengths and reforming its weaknesses; both at home and abroad. Presidential leaders and foreign policies, defined by military and ideological power in recent times have both enhanced and bucked a possible imperial American existence. Nonetheless, an imperial assessment of past and future decisions may show Americans their proximity to empire, and may provoke new elements of thought in the American psyche and practices in American politics. / Master of Arts

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Universität zu Köln, 1998. / Bibliogr. p. [473]-544 (vol. 2). Index.

Dissertation--Fakultät für Geschichtswissenschaften und Philosophie--Universität Bielefeld, Wintersemester 2001/2002. / Bibliogr. p. 481-548.