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Le but de cette thèse consiste, à partir de l'étude d'une personnalité majeure de la crise, K. T. Khairallah, en une analyse et un essai de compréhension de la situation instable du Moyen Orient arabe, dépendant de l'Empire Ottoman à partir du tournant du XXe siècle jusqu'à l'établissement et la stabilisation des mandats anglais et français. Ceci après un bref retour sur l'histoire afin de situer l'intervention historique des puissances européennes et particulièrement de la France, au Liban. La France, selon l'article 22 de la constitution de la Société des Nations, a reçu un mandat sur la Syrie et le Liban sans que les revendications autochtones aient été prises en compte. Les éléments essentiels de cette étude consistent en un regroupement, le classement et surtout l'analyse, replacée dans son contexte contemporain politique, économique, social et culturel, des archives privées du journaliste et homme politique libanais K. T. Khairallah, rédacteur au quotidien parisien "Le Temps" entre 1911 et 1930 et chargé des questions concernant la Méditerranée orientale. Ses archives privées, la collection complète de ses articles parus tant dans "Le Temps" que dans diverses publications contemporaines sont complétées par les oeuvres qu'il a rédigées et publiées ainsi que par certains éléments de sa correspondance. K. T. Khairallah a été, sans discontinuité, l'homme qui a porté sur la place publique, dans la presse et au sein des milieux gouvernementaux et diplomatiques les questions de la réforme de l'Empire Ottoman et de la question arabe en particulier. Toutes ses actions et toute son œuvre ont été commandées par la conviction de la possibilité d'un Moyen Orient (Grande Syrie), d'abord au sein d'un Empire Ottoman réformé puis dans une conjonction de communautés et collectivités qui coexistent et s'acceptent, à condition de réussir à appliquer l'unité dans la diversité. Le second but de cette recherche a consisté à donner toute sa place et à faire ressortir toute l'importance, dans l'Histoire du Liban, d'une personnalité tout à la fois considérable et méconnue, dont seuls quelques historiens et érudits mesurent le rôle historique. L'expérience d'un K. T.Khairallah, comme expert et intermédiaire entre les intérêts d'une Grande Puissance et les aspirations nationales d'un peuple, aide à comprendre la complexité d'une réalité à la fois durable et changeante. / Starting with the study of a major figure in the incoming crisis, K.T. Khairallah, the aim of this thesis is an analysis and an attempt to understand the unstable situation in the Arab Middle East, dependent on the Ottoman Empire as from the turn of the twentieth century up to the establishment and stabilization of the English and French mandates. This is the core of the study after a brief review of history in order to remind the historical intervention of European powers, especially France, in Lebanon.According to the article 22 of the League of Nations constitution, France received a mandate over Syria and Lebanon without taking into account the native claims and rights.The main components of this study consist in collecting, classifiy and analysing (set in its contemporary, political, economic, social and cultural context), the private archives of the Lebanese journalist and politician K. T. Khairallah editorialist , writing in the Paris daily newspaper “Le Temps” between 1911 and 1931, andwhere he was in charge of the Eastern Mediterranean problems. His archives, the wholecollection of his articles published by “Le Temps” as well as in various contemporary publications have been completed by the works he wrote and published and by the analysis of important items of his correspondence.K. T. Khairallah never ceased to bring the issues of the Ottoman Empire reform and the Arab question in particular into the public arena, the press and governmental and diplomatic circles.All his actions and publications were driven by his conviction that a Middle East Nation (Greater Syria) was possible, first in a reformed Ottoman Empire, then in a conjunction of local communities coexisting and accepting each other, provided that they successfully implement unity in diversity.The second goal of this research is to explain and highlight the importance of a personality, both eminent and unrecognized, whose valuable part in the History ofLebanon is assessed by only a few historians and scholars.K. T. Khairallah’s experience, as an expert and as an intermediary between the interests of a Great Power and the national aspirations of a people, may help to understand the complexity of a reality that is both lasting and changing.

Thesis advisor: Marjorie Howes / <italic>Rough Crossings</italic> investigates the efforts of Willa Cather, F. Scott Fitzgerald, James Joyce, and Paul Muldoon to read and revise anti-imperial narratives from across the Atlantic. Drawing on transnational, modernist, and post-colonial studies, this dissertation features texts that are themselves bound up with texts from other national literary traditions. In other words, I look carefully at the ways in which these authors are themselves Atlantic readers. In their writing about empire and its local effects on their homelands, these writers find surprising ways to figure the material conditions of colonial contact at specific historical moments while bringing other times and other places to bear on their representations of those circumstances. While redrawing new spaces of belonging, the texts that compose my version of the Atlantic world also map a space imbued with experiences of loss: Ireland's decimated population after the Famine, housing crises for Catholics in Northern Ireland, the dispossession and removal of Native Americans from their lands, and the retreating national border of Mexico after the U.S.-Mexican War. Rather than being simply deferred until a later time, the dislocation of colonial trauma is worked out spatially in these authors' work. These stories take us to another place in addition to another time in order to witness and break out of the traumas of colonial and racial oppression. In substituting for or recovering from the forgotten, repressed, or dislocated blank spaces of traumatic experience, the texts at the heart of this dissertation begin to imagine new transatlantic revisions to the master narratives of empire. Building on the work of Irish Studies scholars like Seamus Deane and Luke Gibbons, and American Studies scholars like Shelley Streeby and Amy Kaplan, the readings I present in my dissertation offer an alternative view of the imperial thrust of American exceptionalism. Instead of viewing the West as the inevitable extension of America's growing empire, I figure the land beyond the frontier as an exceptional site of overlapping metropolitan and colonial spaces with crucial parallels to Ireland in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Rough Crossings thus brings regional literature into postcolonial discussions that have often struggled to find room for places like Cather's Prairie, Fitzgerald's Middle West, Bret Harte's California, and Muldoon's rural borderlands in Northern Ireland. This dissertation suggests that the contours of these contested spaces are best understood when seen from both sides of the Atlantic. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English.

Thesis advisor: Zine Magubane / Thesis advisor: Stephen Pfohl / In a series of case studies, I problematize the reification of race in the American Sociology of race from a postcolonial perspective. I argue prominent theories within the American sociology of race tend to essentialize race as a cause of racial inequality in the United States. These theories assume the existence of racial categories and then discuss how other entities become racialized into racialized social systems (Bonilla-Silva 1997), or racial projects (Omi & Winant 1994). These theories emphasize national structures, but occlude empire. I argue the occlusion of empire in the American sociology of race, particularly in theorization of racial categorization, is problematic. Empire is the structure that links race to class inequality, and produces race as a social category of exclusion. Therefore, a sociological theory of American racial inequality, which does not analyze imperialism as a structure that produces race, and rather focuses solely on national-structures, or a definition of capitalism severed from imperialism, cannot provide a thoroughly structural explanation for the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

Thesis advisor: James E. Cronin / This project asks why changing norms of statehood in the early twentieth century produced extraordinary violence, and locates the answer in the way a variety of actors across the British Empire—colonial and Dominion governments, nationalist movements, and clients or partners of colonial regimes—leveraged the problem of imperial defense to serve their own political goals. It explores how this process increasingly bound ideas about sovereignty to the question of security and provoked militarizing tendencies across the British world in the early twentieth century, especially among liberal governments in Britain and the colonies, which were nominally opposed to militarism and costly military spending. Security provided a framework in which the matters of imperial defense and strategy could be translated into an expedient language of danger and safety, risk and reward, order and disorder. It legitimized colonial state-building projects and helped control populations; it propelled the renegotiation of relationships between those colonial states. Security suffused the British world’s racial identities and hierarchies with yet more hopes and fears, and yoked these to the centralization and growth of states and institutions. The project employs sources and methodologies that link history to debates about sovereignty and state-building in political theory and international relations, about identity and anxiety in the production of literature, and about federalism and subsidiarity in constitutional law. Beginning with the outbreak of the South African War, the first chapters cover the haphazard coordination of imperial forces in that conflict, and how it shaped movements for constitutional federation in Australia and New Zealand. Next, the project explores how the Government of India under George Curzon attempted to manage its military clients in the Indian Princely States, and how Indian princes understood and performed their sovereignty by providing troops to serve in the Indian Army. It then compares these arguments about sovereignty in India to highly similar ones about military subsidies from British Dominions to the Royal Navy, and the irony of self-governing Dominions converging with Indian modes of rule. The third chapter discusses colonial reactions to the Anglo-German naval crisis in 1909 and how colonial governments leveraged the Empire’s security crisis to argue that, through their contributions to imperial defense, they had transcended colonial status and become “Dominions.” Next, the project discusses the breakdown of systematic schemes for defense and political cooperation in the British Empire in the years leading up to World War I, and how they reflected the tensions inherent in the empire’s emerging norms of sovereignty. Central to this chapter is the struggles of Wilfrid Laurier’s government in Canada and between nationalist and unionist factions in Ireland to manage the militarization unleashed by the securitizing logic that had taken hold in the British Empire and, increasingly, the British metropole. The final chapter explores the issue of conscription during World War I, and how it personalized the problems of security and sovereignty for millions of British subjects by forcing them to apprehend the reality that states could take possession of their physical selves for service in war. This chapter draws extensively on personal recollections of the war years by Irish men and women who gave “witness statements” to the Republic of Ireland’s Bureau of Military History during the 1940s and 50s about their experience of the years 1912-1922, including World War I, conscription, the Anglo-Irish War, and the creation of the Irish Free State. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

La déposition du dernier empereur d’Occident en 476 a longtemps marqué le tournant entre Antiquité et Moyen Age. Depuis quelques décennies, les études sur l’Antiquité tardive ont relativisé la portée de cet épisode. La continuité aurait largement prévalu, d’où la promotion d’une large Antiquité tardive, du IIIe au VIIIe siècle : une période d’évolution lente, non de rupture brutale. L’Empire romain a pourtant bien traversé une crise profonde dans la seconde moitié du Ve siècle, en Orient comme en Occident. Cette étude se propose d’examiner en particulier la façon dont l’empereur Zénon (474-491) a fait face à cette crise générale de l’autorité impériale et à la déposition des derniers empereurs d’Occident. Avec pragmatisme et opportunisme, Zénon a engagé la fonction impériale dans un nouveau monde, sans renoncer à la prétention des empereurs à incarner une autorité universelle. Une méthode de gouvernement originale se dessine, notamment après l’usurpation de Basiliskos (475-476), qui l’oblige à revoir en profondeur sa politique dans les domaines intérieur, extérieur et religieux. Les choix de Zénon dans son second règne ont engagé ses successeurs, quelle qu’ait été leur volonté de revenir aux traditionnelles ambitions impériales. Sans renier les avancées des études tardo-antiques sur le temps long, cette étude se propose donc de mettre en lumière l’accélération politique des années 475-476, notamment du point de vue oriental. Tout en défendant la fonction impériale pluriséculaire dont il venait d’hériter, le rôle historique de l’empereur Zénon a été d’accepter un nouveau monde, et d’accompagner l’entrée de l’Empire romain dans le Moyen Age. / For a long time, scholars identified the deposing of the last Western Emperor in 476 CE as the transition point between Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Over the past few decades, Late Antiquity scholars have reconsidered the importance of this event: continuity would have definitely prevailed, which opened up the path to the promotion of an extended Late Antiquity, from third Century to eighth Century AD. A period of slow evolution, without brutal rupture. However, this argument fails to account for the profound crisis the Roman Empire experienced during the second half of the 5th century CE, in both the East and West. Accordingly, this study examines Emperor Zeno’s (474-491 CE) approach to this widespread crisis of imperial authority, and the dethroning of the last Western emperors. With pragmatism and opportunism, Zeno refashioned the role of emperors for a new world, without renouncing the emperor’s claim to universal authority. A new method of governance appeared, particularly after Basiliskos’ usurpation of the throne (475-476 CE), which forced Zeno to radically revise his internal, external and ecclesiastical policies. Zeno’s moves during his second reign restricted the options of his successors, no matter how strong was their willingness to return to traditional imperial ambitions. Without denying the advances of Late Antiquity studies over the long term, this study illuminates the rapid political events of the years 475-6 CE, particularly in the Eastern half of the Empire. While defending the long historical tradition of imperial power he inherited, Zeno’s historical role was to accept a new world and help usher the Roman Empire into the Middle Ages.

archivists, antiquarians, geographers and civil servants within the India Office reorganised the records of the East India Company, the Board of Control and the India Office itself into what is now the India Office Records. My thesis focuses on the earliest materials of the East India Company - the records of its trading activities in the Indian Ocean from 1600 to 1623 - and how these materials were absorbed into the India Office Records between 1875 and 1891. I study the documents themselves as evidence of a complex early modern documentary culture; then I study the processes by which they were absorbed into the India Office Records, classified, edited, interpreted, and publicized. I argue that the creators of the India Office Records - civil servants, antiquarians and geographers such as George Birdwood, F. C. Danvers, William Foster and Clements R. Markham - organised and interpreted their materials in the service of a teleological historiography of empire. I situate the archive's creation within the contexts of nineteenth-century archival, antiquarian and historiographical practice, the crisis of 'high imperialism' in the late nineteenth century, and the development of the 'exhibitionary complex', and locate it within the scholarly and governmental formations of the time. Ultimately I hope to demonstrate how the archive itself, as an apparently neutral repository of historical information, was in fact instrumental in the production of imperial discourse and ideology

This thesis attempts to understand the distribution of Antinous worship in the Roman Empire and why he was worshipped. By examining the written sources and material culture available on Antinous, primary sources both pagan and Christian, and material culture such as the sculptures of Antinous, Antinoopolis and temples dedicated to Antinous, I came to the conclusion that Antinous was worshipped primary in the Eastern part of the Roman Empire. The Eastern part of the Roman Empire consisted of people who were of Greek descent. By examining Roman writings against Greek people and culture, I came to the conclusion that there were reasons that people worshipped Antinous. The first was to connect to the imperial center because a Roman emperor established the cult of Antinous. The second was that Antinous was Greek, and because Greeks were seen as inferior by the Roman west, his worship appealed to such people.

La thèse présente la première édition complète et commentée des textes de l'archive de la famille Gallabu, une archive provenant de la ville d'Ur, au sud de la Babylonie. Il s'agit d'une famille de prébendiers-barbiers qui ont laissé la plus longue archive privée du Ier millénaire avant J.-C. Les documents de l'archive s'étalent sur 260 ans et couvrent les périodes néo-babylonienne, achéménide et hellénistique. La thèse présente une réflexion sur la nature de l'archive des Gallabu et étudie l'histoire particulière de la famille et de son patrimoine. La famille des Gallabu est placée par la suite dans un contexte politique et socio-économique plus large pour étudier de différents aspects de la vie socio-économique des notables urbains à Ur au Ier millénaire avant J.-C., la seconde ville méridionale la plus importante à cette époque. / This work presents the first complete and annotated edition of the texts from the Gallabu family archive, from the city of Ur in southern Babylonia. It is a family of prebendaries-barbers that left the longest known private archive in the first century BC. Documents of the archive cover over 260 years and include Neo-Babylonian, Achaemenid, and Hellenistic periods. The thesis provides an insight into the nature of the Gallabu archive and examines the history of the family and its heritage. The family of Gallabu is considered within a political and socio-economic context in order to study different aspects of the socio-economic life of the urban elite of the city of Ur in the first millennium BC, the second most important city in southern Babylonia at the time.

This thesis is a reassessment of British foreign policies from the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 until the Treaties of Locarno in 1925. It initially argues that much of the historiography of this period is unbalanced in its judgement of the different governments because it views them from a teleological perspective that fails to differentiate this period from the inter-war years as a whole. The problem with this approach is that the rise of Hitler and the causes of the Second World War became so dominant in such analyses that most issues within these years have only been judged within that wider context. The thesis argues that an assessment of the foreign policies between 1919 and 1925 must take greater account of all the diplomatic, military and economic difficulties in the years after the Great War, and also recognise the degree of stability achieved by the end of 1925. The difficulties included the expansion of the British Empire as a result of Versailles, ongoing financial and economic problems including wartime debts, the complexities of the Irish negotiations, and the major European issues that had not been resolved at Versailles. Britain was still a great power and its foreign policies are analysed both as an imperial power, including the newly acquired territories in the Middle East, and as a major European power. After an analysis of primary and secondary sources, it is argued that despite all the difficulties, and the seeds of long-term decline in imperial matters, British foreign policies contributed to greater stability in international affairs by the end of 1925. This is especially true of the achievements at Locarno in respect of Germany's western borders and in establishing Germany as an equal diplomatic partner. There were also no obvious new diplomatic hostages to fortune. Whether Britain and other powers could build on this greater stability after 1925 is a different issue, but that should not detract from recognition of the achievements during these six years.