Small-scale logging by indigenous people in Amazonia remains little studied despite the importance of this activity to forest communities and its relevance to the implementation of conservation initiatives. Previous studies in the region have given an overview of small-scale logging and the role of local institutions in the management of timber resources. This study provides insight into the local institutions that govern the use of timber resources and the timber extraction practices of indigenous communities in Amazonia. Timber extraction was examined through a regional case study of indigenous people along the Ampiyacu River, an affluent of the Amazon near Iquitos, Peru. An analysis of the actors within and outside of the Ampiyacu Basin involved in timber harvest and the local institutions for regulating access to forest resources provides the context for examination of local arrangements in small-scale logging. Detailed information about local institutional arrangements was collected through a mixture of qualitative methods, including archival research, focus groups, structured interviews, and direct observation. An analysis of timber practices and the sustainability thereof in extraction areas for the 13 villages of the region allowed a characterization of small-scale logging practices and revealed the most relevant factors in timber extraction strategy and economics. Local arrangements were explained by policy, proximity to an urban market, and access to funding. Most loggers are poor, earning less than $ 496/year in cash, although income levels varied widely within type of funding. The higher income loggers are specialists who log more than the permissible quota and have greater access to funding. Timber was the central economic activity of all local residents. The implications of these findings are discussed for local arrangements and future research on small-scale logging by indigenous peoples of Amazonia. / text

Both China and Taiwan have experienced impressive economic growth through rapid industrialization that has resulted in a higher standard of living for citizens on the one hand, but has come at the cost of severe environmental degradation on the other. One of the byproducts of this economic growth and accompanying environmental stress has been an increased awareness among citizens of their living environment. And this newfound environmental consciousness can be manifested through various forms of protest when concerned citizens feel that their rights have been infringed upon by either the government or an offending industry. This thesis is concerned chiefly with the evolution of environmental protests in China and Taiwan, and explores two specific cases that are examples of a classic NIMBY-style (not-in-my-back-yard) protest: the anti-DuPont movement in Lukang, Taiwan from 1986-87 and the anti-PX movement in Xiamen, China from 2006-07. Both events have been hailed as watersheds in their respective polities’ environmental movements because they represent improved public participation in environmental protection activities. Whereas reactive protests had been the norm before, the events in Lukang and Xiamen showed that preventive measures, taken before citizens’ environmental rights can be potentially violated, was and still is possible. What make these NIMBY protests all the more fascinating and worthy of further exploration are the respective political backdrops during which they occurred—in Taiwan before the lifting of martial law, and in China when mass demonstrations are seldom allowed to proceed. This thesis will explore the main components of the Lukang and Xiamen protests and conduct a comparative analysis of their organizations, the events that transpired, as well as the official responses with which they were met. It is hoped that this thesis shows how the events in Xiamen echo those from Lukang some twenty years before, and that it provides some insight into the expanding role of citizens in environmental protection activities in both China and Taiwan.

The term "governance" encompasses both governmental and nongovernmental participation in collective choice and action. Law dictates the structure, boundaries, rules, and processes within which governmental action takes place, and in doing so becomes one of the focal points for analysis of barriers to adaptation as the effects of climate change are felt. Adaptive governance must therefore contemplate a level of flexibility and evolution in governmental action beyond that currently found in the heavily administrative governments of many democracies. Nevertheless, over time, law itself has proven highly adaptive in western systems of government, evolving to address and even facilitate the emergence of new social norms (such as the rights of women and minorities) or to provide remedies for emerging problems (such as pollution). Thus, there is no question that law can adapt, evolve, and be reformed to make room for adaptive governance. In doing this, not only may barriers be removed, but law may be adjusted to facilitate adaptive governance and to aid in institutionalizing new and emerging approaches to governance. The key is to do so in a way that also enhances legitimacy, accountability, and justice, or else such reforms will never be adopted by democratic societies, or if adopted, will destabilize those societies. By identifying those aspects of the frameworks for adaptive governance reviewed in the introduction to this special feature relevant to the legal system, we present guidelines for evaluating the role of law in environmental governance to identify the ways in which law can be used, adapted, and reformed to facilitate adaptive governance and to do so in a way that enhances the legitimacy of governmental action.

n modern democratic consumer societies, decentralized, participative, and consensus-oriented forms of multi-stakeholder governance are supplementing, and often replacing, conventional forms of state-centered environmental government. The engagement in all phases of the policy process of diverse social actors has become a hallmark of environmental good governance. This does not mean to say, however, that these modes of policy-making have proved particularly successful in resolving the widely debated multiple sustainability crisis. In fact, they have been found wanting in terms of their ability to respond to democratic needs and their capacity to resolve environmental problems. So why have these participatory forms of environmental governance become so prominent? What exactly is their appeal? What do they deliver? Exploring these questions from the perspective of eco-political and sociological theory, this article suggests that these forms of environmental governance represent a performative kind of eco-politics that helps liberal consumer societies to manage their inability and unwillingness to achieve the socio-ecological transformation that scientists and environmental activists say is urgently required. This reading of the prevailing policy approaches as the collaborative management of sustained unsustainability adds an important dimension to the understanding of environmental governance and contemporary eco-politics more generally.

Mazama, Washington is a small community, with a population of 230 residents, nestled in the Methow Valley near the North Cascades mountain range. Mazama is home to delicate ecosystems, thriving wildlife, a river integral to salmon recovery, and a local economy that is largely dependent on outdoor recreation. Also home to Mazama is an environmental campaign, brought forth by community-wide resistance to industrial mining proposals in the valley. The campaign, called the Methow Headwaters Campaign, is advocating for the protection of 340,079 acres of federal land from mineral withdraws. The campaign mobilized following an exploratory drilling proposal by a Canadian industrial-scale mining company, Blue River Resources Ltd, to mine on Flagg Mountain—a mountain located less than two miles from the town of Mazama. Because of the Mining Act of 1872, Blue River Resources Ltd. can earn one-hundred-percent interest from the Flagg Mountain project, while the Mazama community—largely based on a local recreational economy—bears the social, environmental, and economic burdens brought with these mining operations. This thesis examines how natural resource governance has been shaped in the Methow Valley at various scales, ultimately resulting in the social contestation of extractive development in Mazama in the early 21st century. This thesis argues that the community-led campaign to withdraw land from mineral withdraws attempts to “re-scale” environmental governance through a democratizing shift in political and ecological control.

Esta tesis doctoral estudia distintos problemas de economía medioambiental, con un énfasis en la regulacción medioambiental (incluyendo políticas, aplicación y gobernanza) y en su cumplimiento por parte de las empresas. Consta de tres capítulos, unidos por el tema de regulación ambiental, específicamente, la visión desde los niveles internacional, nacional y de empresa. El primer capítulo estudia los acuerdos internacionales en materia de medio ambiente, siendo el aspecto innovador la toma en consideración de múltiples contaminantes con efectos correlaciondos y la secuencia de la negociación. Se muestra que una cooperación en la primera fase puede facilitar las negociaciones posteriores. Además, excepto para países simétricos, la secuencia de la negociación afecta a los resultados respecto a acuerdos, haciendo de la secuencia otro instrumento para aumentar la participación. En el segundo capítulo se analiza, en un marco en que la política medioambiental viene predeterminada, cómo debería distribuirse el poder para imponer la aplicación de las normativas en una estructura de aplicación centralizada, descentralizada o mixta. El capítulo se relaciona con la literarura sobre federalismo ambiental al incorporar una nueva perspectiva sobre los problemas relacionados con el cumplimiento de las normativas. Los sacrificios que deben hacerse al elegir entre centralización y descentralización recaen en la internalización de externalidades negativas y la consideración de la heterogeneidad entre regiones. Además, si las preocupaciones ambientales locales y centrales no coinciden, podrían surgir contradicciones donde cada nivel jurisdiccional prefiere lo opuesto como estructura de aplicación superior. En el tercer capítulo de la tesis me centro en otro aspecto del cumplimiento de las normativas medioambientales por parte de las empresas. Me centro en el estudio de cómo las características de una compañía, y en particular las de su gobierno corporativo, afectan al comportamiento de ésta con respecto al cumplimiento de la regulación medioambiental. Además del efecto disuasorio general de la regulación medioambiental, en este trabajo proporciono un nuevo aspecto que puede ayudar a entender la heterogeneidad que se observa en el comportamiento de las empresas en el terreno medioambiental. Propongo un modelo teórico que luego estudio empíricamente, y llego a la conclusión de que el impacto del gobierno de la compañía en el grado de cumplimiento con las normativa medioambiental presenta una forma funcional en U invertida, lo que explicaría que no se haya encontrado una relación significativa en la literatura empírica previa. Este hecho indica por tanto que además de las expectativas convencionales de que la mejora del gobierno corporativo debería reducir sus incumplimientos en materia medioambiental, puede darse también el efecto inverso. / This doctoral thesis is generally on environmental economics, with a slight focus on environmental regulation (including policy, enforcement and governance) and firm’s compliance. It consists of three essays, linked by the theme of environmental governance, specifically, the governance on the international, national and firm level. The first essay studies international environmental agreement, with its innovation in taking into account multiple pollutants with correlation effect and the negotiation sequence. It turns out that a cooperation in the first stage can facilitate later negotiations. And except for symmetric countries, the negotiation agendas matters for the membership outcome, which makes the sequence another instrument to possibly enlarge the participations. In the second essay, it analyzes when the environmental policy is predetermined, how the enforcement power should be distributed under centralized, decentralized or a mixed enforcement structure. The chapter brings the environmental federalism literature to a new perspective of compliance problems. The tradeoff between centralization and decentralization lies in internalizing negative externalities and accounting for heterogeneity across regions. Besides, if the environmental concern of the central and local agencies does not coincide, disagreements may arise where each jurisdictional level prefers the opposite as to the superior enforcement structure. The research then shifts to the environmental governance within the firm level in the third essay. I study whether and how a firm’s characteristics, in particular its corporate governance, affect the environmental compliance behavior. Besides the general deterrent effect of environmental regulation, this essay provides a novel angle in explaining the heterogeneity of corporate environmental performance. By both theoretical and empirical means, I find that the impact of firm’s corporate control on the degree of environmental violation exhibits an inverse-U trend. The failure to discover a significant relationship in previous empirical literature can thereby be explained. Hence, additional to conventional expectation that an improvement of a firm’s corporate governance should lessen its environmental incompliance, the reverse effect can also take place.

Government (state) command and control strategies for addressing the complexities, uncertainties, and conflicts associated with ecological issues are no longer adequate. This is particularly true when addressing water resources. Water resources are inherently complex as a result of demands related to (1) competition between multiple users of water resources; (2) multiple scales at which water is managed; and (3) the mismatch between administrative and hydrological boundaries. Collaborative strategies for environmental governance are increasingly essential for addressing water resource issues. New legislation in Ontario has specifically mandated that collaboration be used as a strategy for source water protection. Government involvement is important for successful collaboration. However, little research has been undertaken to understand what impact mandating collaboration has on the process and outcomes. This thesis explores the relationship between mandated collaboration, the process of collaboration, and its outcomes in order to critically assess the potential impacts of government-mandated collaboration. The research was guided by a conceptual framework developed from the literature concerning government involvement in collaboration. Evaluative criteria were used to assess processes and outcomes. The empirical work explored a case study of the Niagara Source Protection Area in Ontario. The case draws attention to how government affects the collaborative process and outcomes.

Case studies on environmental governance are essential to improve comprehension on howto implement international agreements. This study focuses on seven social safeguards relevant toREDD+. The existence of these social safeguards is examined in Mexico’s watershed managementprogram in La Sierra Madre and La Costa of Chiapas. The watershed management program is anotherPayment for Ecosystem Services (PES) scheme similar to REDD+. Questionnaires and interviews wereused to conduct primary research with participants of the water management program. Upon theexamination of the collected data the safeguards were analysed on their sufficiency for REDD+.REDD+ itself could not be examined as it is still in the stage of preparation at the time of the research.Results varied between each safeguards. A complaint mechanism does exist but is underutilized andgenerally dysfunctional. Local knowledge is considered and used as the watershed managementprogram has a flat hierarchy of decision-making. However this is only the case at the lowestinstitutional level of the Comités de Cuenca. The higher the level the less likely it is that localknowledge will be considered. This is reflected in the social safeguard of full and effectiveparticipation, which is only fulfilled at the lowest level. There are no barriers to participation when itcomes to implementing and evaluating the mechanism on a local scale. However the design of it isdone on institutional levels beyond the reach of locals. The application of free, prior and informedconsent is upheld within the mechanism, as everyone participates by his or her own free choice.Marginalized stakeholders such as women, indigenous people and youth are also free to participate;unfortunately, little is done to encourage them to do so. As a result few to none are present, turning theComités de Cuenca into decision-making bodies for comparably wealthy and influential citizens at thelocal scale. The benefits acquired from the mechanism mostly go to e.g. work-committees where muchof the funds are distributed as income to temporary workers from the local community. According toparticipants of the Comités and managers alike, the decision-making process is equal to the waydecisions were made before the arrival of the mechanism.It could be observed that some social safeguards are in place, however, none of them sufficiently forREDD+. In regards to implementation of REDD+ the most challenging social safeguard will be theconcept of “free, prior and informed consent”. This holds true as long as REDD+ will be implementednationally. If that will be the case the government would have to convince locals across the country toparticipate in REDD+, including those that already announced their opposition in the Declaration ofPatihuitz (Declaration of Patihuitz 2011). Without legitimization there will be little participation andcommitment on the side of local people, which is crucial to make REDD+ work. Hence it isrecommended that the mechanism takes a process-oriented focus in order to legitimize the mechanism. / implement international agreements. At the 16th Climate Change Conference, the United Nationsformally agreed to launch a new Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) scheme called ReducingEmission from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+). Controversy exists concerning socialand environmental safeguards, which are additional rules aimed at preventing harm to civil society andnature. This study focuses on seven social safeguards that could be identified through a review ofinternational law. These are: complaint mechanism; consideration and usage of local knowledge; fulland effective participation; application of free, prior and informed consent; inclusion of marginalizedstakeholders; equitable benefit-sharing; and the use of traditional methods for decision-making.This study examines the existence of these social safeguards in Mexico’s watershed managementprogram of La Sierra Madre and La Costa of Chiapas. The watershed management program is anotherPES scheme similar to REDD+. Questionnaires and interviews were used as a means to conductprimary research with participants of the water management program. Upon the examination of thecollected data the safeguards were analysed on their sufficiency for REDD+. REDD+ itself could notbe examined as it is still in the stage of preparation at the time of the research.It could be observed that some social safeguards are in place, however, none of them sufficiently forREDD+. In regards to the implementation of REDD+ the most challenging social safeguard will be theconcept of “free, prior and informed consent”. This holds true as long as REDD+ will be implementednationally. If that will be the case the government would have to convince locals across the country toparticipate in REDD+, including those that already announced their opposition in the Declaration ofPatihuitz (Declaration of Patihuitz 2011).As REDD+ is another governmental mechanism it needs to fulfil specific requirements in theChiapanecan context in order to function properly. One of the most important foundations is to createtrust between stakeholders which has been lost during decades of conflict and corruption. This trust canbe established by committing to the guidelines of the social safeguards with particular focus on theinclusion of marginalized stakeholders and transparency. Hence it is recommended that the mechanismtakes a process-oriented focus in order to legitimize the mechanism. Without legitimization there willbe little participation and commitment from local people, which is crucial to make REDD+ work.

Climate change is one of the most critical problems of our time. I use content analysis and network analysis to critically examine corporate responses to climate change as they are outlined on the websites of three of Canada’s largest corporations: Suncor Energy, Royal Bank of Canada and Bell Canada. I consider the data in light of two theoretical perspectives: ecological modernization and eco-socialism. The primary research question is: is private environmental governance effectively addressing climate change? To answer this question I first consider two more rudimentary research questions. (1) How are Canadian corporations responding to climate change? (2) What kinds of private environmental governance are Canadian corporations engaging with? None of the private environmental governance initiatives in this study appear to be directly leading corporations to reduce GHG emissions. The three corporations are responding to climate change in ways determined by corporate needs, rather than what is necessary to mitigate climate change. / Graduate / 0626 / 0615 / eyles@uvic.ca

Government (state) command and control strategies for addressing the complexities, uncertainties, and conflicts associated with ecological issues are no longer adequate. This is particularly true when addressing water resources. Water resources are inherently complex as a result of demands related to (1) competition between multiple users of water resources; (2) multiple scales at which water is managed; and (3) the mismatch between administrative and hydrological boundaries. Collaborative strategies for environmental governance are increasingly essential for addressing water resource issues. New legislation in Ontario has specifically mandated that collaboration be used as a strategy for source water protection. Government involvement is important for successful collaboration. However, little research has been undertaken to understand what impact mandating collaboration has on the process and outcomes. This thesis explores the relationship between mandated collaboration, the process of collaboration, and its outcomes in order to critically assess the potential impacts of government-mandated collaboration. The research was guided by a conceptual framework developed from the literature concerning government involvement in collaboration. Evaluative criteria were used to assess processes and outcomes. The empirical work explored a case study of the Niagara Source Protection Area in Ontario. The case draws attention to how government affects the collaborative process and outcomes.