This dissertation examines the emergence of ethnic parties, their survival in the political system, and their impact on the governance practices. While scholars have long debated the impact of ethnic parties on state-building and democratization process, few works have empirically examined their behavior in the political system. Empirical research on ethnic parties is limited to single countries or regions -- Latin America, Eastern Europe, or a few countries including India. Firstly, this dissertation extends the research on ethnic parties to include another South Asian Country – Nepal. Secondly, research on ethnic parties has been hampered by the lack of cross-sectional data on ethnic parties. This dissertation employs new datasets on the electoral performance of ethnic parties, making use of the newly available resource. Employing both qualitative and quantitative techniques, this dissertation is built around three empirical chapters. Firstly, it argues that strategic interactions between major parties and ethnic groups, among others, determine why some ethnic groups successfully form their own parties and others do not. Secondly, it argues that the factors that are responsible for the emergence of ethnic parties are hardly sufficient for the survival of these parties in the long run and shows that ethnic parties' access to state resources is a major factor that can explain the variation in their survival. And thirdly, it argues and empirically shows that support from ethnic groups to political parties does not necessarily lead to higher levels of corruption as scholars have often argued. The parties that are overwhelmingly supported by ethnic groups increase the level of regime corruption, while the parties that have large coalitions of voters including ethnic groups do not.

This article addresses a subject of singular relevance in the current debate regarding the role, weight and dimension that ethnicity plays in organizing and reforming politics in the 21st century in Peru. Based upon the Peruvian process, an analysis considering political science, history and communication allows the paper to discuss the presence of Peru’s indigenous peoples in a historical continuity from their natural adaptation to the Andes, through the Inca expansion, the devastation of the conquest, the ruptures of colonialism, the continuities of the republic, to the fallacious proposition of an ethnocacerist identity. It also addresses the particular manifestation of the ethnic concept in Peru today, as a novelty driven by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Finally, the article points to the challenge of intercultural communication in an objectively multilingual and multicultural society. / Este artículo aborda un tema de singular relevancia en la actual discusión sobre el papel, peso y dimensión que lo étnico tiene en la manera de hacer y organizarse en y para la política en el siglo XXI. Abordando el proceso peruano, presenta una aproximación desde la ciencia política, la historia y la comunicación. Discute la presencia en la continuidad histórica de los pueblos indígenas del Perú desde su adaptación natural a los Andes, pasando por la expansión Inca, la devastación de la Conquista, las rupturas de la Colonia, las continuidades de la República, hasta la propuesta falaz de una identidad etnocacerista. Asimismo, la particular presencia de lo étnico en el Perú hoy como novedad impulsada por el Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial. Finalmente, plantea el reto de una comunicación intercultural en una sociedad objetivamente multilingüe y pluricultural.

The Ecuadorian Indian movement entered electoral politics in 1996 through the Pachakutik political party. For the 2002 presidential and congressional elections, Pachakutik made an alliance with ex-colonel and 2000 coup leader Lucio Gutiérrez. After a first-place finish in the first round, Gutiérrez went on to win the presidency in a run-off. This research seeks to determine whether the Indian movement, via Pachakutik, was able to transform its constituency into an effective indigenous voting bloc. The analysis of the 2002 electoral returns applies the Ecological Inference method developed by Gary King. The results show that while indigenous voters were more likely to support Gutiérrez and Pachakutik congressional candidates than non-indigenous voters, large proportions of the indigenous electorate apparently did not follow the well-organized and relatively unified movement leadership.

Cette thèse analyse les politiques à l’égard des minorités ethniques et religieuses sous une perspective comparative entre la Roumanie et la Bulgarie. La première partie s’interroge sur les politiques à l’égard des minorités dès la création des Etats-Nations et ensuite leur situation durant les régimes communistes dans les deux pays. La deuxième partie met l’accent sur l’analyse des deux modèles d’intégration des minorités après 1989 et étudie la question de l’émergence de la représentation politique des Turcs en Bulgarie, des Hongrois en Roumanie et des Roms dans les deux pays. La recherche étudie comment les politiques et les dispositifs sont destinés à favoriser l’intégration des groupes minoritaires dans les deux pays. Une attention est accordée à la genèse et à l’évolution, ainsi qu’à la mise en œuvre de ces projets d’action publique.Cette recherche est enrichie par l’analyse des entretiens semi directifs, des observations ainsi qu’une analyse des statistiques, de la presse nationale et locale, des dispositifs juridiques et des programmes des partis. Quatre hypothèses principales sont défendues dans cette thèse : la transformation des identités ethniques en identités politiques- l'idéologisation des politiques à l'égard de minorités- l'autonomisation du religieux par rapport à l'ethnique et, enfin, de l'impact indirect de l'européanisation sur le traitement des minorités. / This thesis analyzes the politics about national and religious minorities in a comparative perspective between Romania and Bulgaria. The first part examines the policies toward minorities since the creation of Nation-State and their situation during the communist regime in both countries. The second part focuses on the analysis of the two models of minorities’ integration after 1989 and examines the question of emergence of political representation of Turks in Bulgaria, Hungarians in Romania and Roma. The research studies how the policies and the devices are intended to facilitate the integration of the minority groups in both countries. An attention is granted to the genesis and to the evolution, as well as to the implementation of these projects of public action.This research analyzes semi directive conversations, observations as well an analysis of the statistics, the national and local press, the legal devices and the programs of the political parties.

Les partis politiques macédoniens ont été relativement peu étudiés. Les problèmes de la construction du nouvel Etat, à la fois dans un environnement difficile et quant à l’intégration de l’importante minorité albanaise, ont éclipsé ceux du nouveau système politique. L’attention portée à l’ingénierie constitutionnelle y a contribué. Pourtant, les partis sont au cœur de la démocratie pluraliste.En dehors de la problématique commune de la formation des partis politiques dans les transitions post-communistes, le cas macédonien présente des originalités par le rôle des racines historiques pour les partis relevants et l’importance des partis ethniques, qui ont évolué entre la contestation de l’Etat et du nouveau système et l’intégration politique par la participation grandissante au jeu démocratique, y compris au niveau gouvernemental. / Macedonian political parties have been relatively little studied. In Macedonia, political system transformation has been mainly dominated by state building issues, problems related to Albanian minority integration and the process of designing a new constitutional arrangement. Nevertheless, political parties are considered to be key actors in pluralist democracy. Macedonian parties have their own particularities when compared to general models of post-communist party development. The originality of the Macedonian parties thus lies in the importance accorded to historical legacies in party formation, as well as in the role played by ethnic actors in the process of democratization.

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