Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.

"This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presidential candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery...The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages. The first chapter examines the political factionalism within the state Democratic Party suggest the conservative solution to the problem of liberal splinter groups, and evaluates Lyndon Johnson's contribution to the Democratic ticket in south Texas. Chapter II probes into the importance of imagery and indentity in politics, challenges the possibility of a religiously-based bloc vote in south Texas, but postulates the probability of a sub-conscious religious identification with the Democratic candidate. The last chapter describes the Valley 'Viva Kennedy' clubs, their origin, organization, activities, and contributions. To substantiate the author's hypothesis, oral interviews, club reports, personal files, letters, and contemporary newspapers were extensively used."-- leaf 1.

D.Litt. et Phil. / The opponents of the White minority government in South Africa succeeded in 1994, by means of the electorial process, to obtain the political power in the country. These opponents of the previous government were, and still are, a composition of members from the total demographic spectrum of South Africa's population. The composition of the Bantu population in KwaZulu-Natal was traditionally family clusters of the Nguni. Conflict occurring in KwaZulu-Natal may, with reference to the past up to the recent present, be categorised as follows: Along intra-ethnic lines - the Zulu against Zulu-related family clusters. The same concerning the Xhosa. Along inter-ethnic lines - the Zulu against the Xhosa, and later the Bantu against the Whites. Along intra- and inter-ethnic lines within the Nguni. Reference is made on the one hand to the conflict between the traditionalists and modernists within the Zulu and Xhosa peoples, and on the other hand to the conflict between the Zulu and Xhosa peoples. Given the focus of this study the inherent present conflict in KwaZulu-Natal will be addressed, and then with specific emphasis on the occurrence of conflict in the geographic and demographic contact zone, viz the lower Umzimkulu Area, where the Zulu and Xhosa peoples merge. Since the dawn of South Africa's history, KwaZulu-Natal may be regarded as the territory where geographic expansionist ideals were, by means of conflict, brought to fruition. Historically, conflict situations were initiated from the Ulundi area and these conflicts gave rise to bloody "war situations." The (strategic) aim of the (tactical) offences was already then the realisation of a (geopolitical) idea of expansion.

No abstract available in dissertation / Politicisation of identities, negotiations and transition in a conflict society / Ethics of a genocide-free Burundi / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.A. (Philosophy)

Region 5 is one of the most impoverished and insecure regions of Ethiopia. For decades, the region has suffered from a multitude of armed conflicts involving state and non-state actors. Region 5 is also one of the most underserved states of Ethiopia with some of the lowest levels of human development indicators nationwide. Although the adversities of poverty and conflict are widely acknowledged in their own respect, there has been little or no inquest into why poverty and conflict have prevailed under the same space for decades. Poverty and conflict have often been seen as separate phenomena that are dealt with using different sets of theories and practices in the real world. Nonetheless, a closer look at poverty and conflict in Region 5 reveals that both are strongly connected to each other. The poverty-conflict trap has been an on-going cycle in the region for the last five decades. The main intent of this research paper is analyzing the two-way relationship between poverty and conflict in Region 5. By studying this relationship, this analysis seeks to contribute to a new framework that brings peacebuilding and development closer.

本文主要分析了海原县在实现现代化的发展过程中，国家如何利用权力和空间来主导现代化。同时，也以此为主题，分析了农民在国家主导的现代化过程中，如何做出反应。 / 本文将研究集中在现代化与发展这样的背景下，用权力和空间这样的核心概念，来分析国家与回族民众之间的关系，从而来推出在中国国家话语下，现代化的实践，农民所采取的各种应对方式，不是以挑战国家权威，或者有意与国家做对这样一套路径来看待中国国家与农民之间的关系，而是更应该交往全面、宽幅度、更为厚实地去看待国家和农民的关系。农民并非一味地反对，也不是完全地接受，农民往往是在更为理性的层面，根据具体问题而采取相应的应对。应对，有些是明显且看得见的应对，有些是隐藏的不易发觉的应对。所以，完全用农民本来就要反对国家，或者说，农民与国家是二元对立的不可调和的矛盾关系，显然有些过度解释了农民的行为和思想。 / 本文以"农民进城、"新农村建设、"面子工程"和反对县城搬迁这样一些具体的个案，从农民对待国家政策的微弱难以明显看出到强烈地应对县城搬迁这样一些多层次的个案，来考量了国家在主导现代化的政策中，政绩与自我利益作为隐藏话语，而从对农民有好处，帮助农民发展早日摆贫困为公开话语，来促成各项政策的落实。农民在这些不同的背景下，用属于并适合自己作为农民、回族、伊斯兰教信徒等身份来维护自己的利益。总而言之，整个论文以田野调查为方法，着重分析了发展背景下的地方政治和民众的应对战略，同时也分析了国家与民族之间复杂的社会关系。 / This thesis studies the roles of the state in the modernization of Haiyuan in Ningxia, China, and analyses state power and the state use of space. Also analyzed is how ordinary people respond to state power in this state-led modernization. / Focusing on the background of modernization and development, I shall study the multi-layers of relations between the State and Hui Muslim civilians, so as to show that, under the discourse of the State, their responses to the state are not simply challenging state power, but are more complex in this relations between the state and the people based on concrete situations. Some of their tactics of resistance are visible while others are hidden. This it is simplistic to view the state and the civilians as in direct opposition. / By studying concrete cases of farmers moving into the county seat, the government building a"new village, the government's "beautifying project and the people's resistance to the relocation of the county seat, this thesis examines the weak and strong resistance of the people. This study analyzes how the state manipulates the policies and the processes of modernization for political interests, which are hidden behind political discourses about helping the poor out of poverty. The state seeks to implement its policies, while the Hui civilians use their relevant peasant, Hui and Muslim identities to protect their own interests. Overall the thesis uses ethnographic approach to highlight the local politics of development and the people's tactics of resistance as well as the complex relationship between the state and the people. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 馬建福. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-205) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ma Jianfu. / l摘要 --- p.1 / ABSTRACT --- p.3 / 致谢 --- p.4 / 地图 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图一 --- 调研省份宁夏在中国版图中的位置 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图二 --- 宁夏地图及各市县分布（来源：来自矢量地图） --- p.6 / Chapter 地图三 --- 海原县在整个宁夏的地理位置（来源：谷歌截图自己制作） --- p.7 / Chapter 地图四 --- 本文研究调查点分布 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 导言 --- p.9 / 引言 --- p.9 / 研究主题与研究问题 --- p.18 / 相关理论与研究范围 --- p.24 / 研究地点 --- p.40 / 研究方法 --- p.45 / 论文的结构与框架 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二章 --- 海原县的现代化历程：民族志的视角 --- p.50 / 引言 --- p.50 / 走进“现代化的海原 --- p.56 / 历史话语中的现实映射：一个需要开发和搬迁的地方 --- p.59 / 天灾人祸与故土难离：地震灾难后的记忆 --- p.62 / “现代化的历史过程 --- p.70 / 国家框架下的居民：回民、汉族 --- p.72 / 三种权力体系下的社会组织 --- p.77 / 本章小结 --- p.78 / Chapter 第三章 --- 社区移植的发展与政治 --- p.80 / 引言 --- p.80 / 县城的变化 --- p.81 / 搬进县城的人 --- p.86 / 在县城与农村之间 --- p.95 / 另类迁移：一切为了孩子？ --- p.99 / 本章小结 --- p.105 / Chapter 第四章 --- 面子工程、发展与民众应对 --- p.107 / 引言 --- p.107 / 面子工程：建在店面门前的围护墙 --- p.109 / 面子工程：一个“拆字千家泪 --- p.115 / 面子工程：刷了颜色的墙 --- p.121 / 本章小结 --- p.124 / Chapter 第五章 --- 县城搬迁、发展与民众应对 --- p.126 / 引言 --- p.126 / 县城搬迁前的故事：作为发展的解释 --- p.130 / 搬迁与应对：弱者武器的施展 --- p.139 / 善后处理：带头者的拘留 --- p.150 / 本章小结 --- p.152 / Chapter 第六章 --- 宗教与民众应对 --- p.155 / 引言 --- p.155 / 在农村与城市之间：进退两难的回族人 --- p.155 / 王井新村的生活：没有清真寺的应对 --- p.162 / 新农村建设中的宗教应对 --- p.164 / 国家治理与共谋：宗教领袖的安抚和提升 --- p.171 / 老少边穷与回族身份：农民应对的工具 --- p.173 / 教主与信众：权力利用与关系应对 --- p.175 / 本章小结 --- p.177 / Chapter 第七章 --- 总结 --- p.180 / 现代化与发展的政治逻辑 --- p.181 / 国家主导下的空间生产与社会关系的重构 --- p.182 / 权力与国家治理：代理人的作用 --- p.184 / 变化不断的现代化：社会关系的重塑 --- p.186 / 治理与应对的人类学反思 --- p.189 / 空间生产与权力形塑社会关系 --- p.193 / 治理术、国家与民众 --- p.194 / 参考文献 --- p.196 / [中文文献] --- p.196 / [英文文献] --- p.198