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The unfortunate disparity in achievement among minority and low income students is well-documented. Multiple social, structural, and psychological variables have been presented to try to explain the achievement gap. Researchers have also considered an individual’s racial-ethnic identity (REI) as an important variable that contributes to achievement outcomes. Oyserman and colleagues developed a model of REI that emphasizes three key factors of one’s racial-ethnic identity that have a direct impact on achievement. Further, her model posits that the interaction between two key REI variables, feelings of connectedness to one’s REI group (connectedness) and the perception that one’s racial-ethnic group values achievement (embedded achievement), contributes to positive achievement outcomes. Although research has suggested that REI significantly impacts achievement, the specific processes by which this occurs are less known. Considering the social-cognitive literature, it is plausible that different psychological and motivational beliefs mediate the relationship between REI and achievement-related outcomes. This dissertation study examines the mediating effect of sense of school belonging and perceived sense of school engagement on the relationship between REI (embedded achievement and connectedness) and academic achievement of minority middle school students longitudinally through the use of structural equation modeling. Results indicate that embedded achievement significantly predicts academic achievement. Furthermore, sense of belonging to school mediates this relationship for all racial and gender groups. Results also revealed that embedded achievement significantly predicted student perceived engagement for Hispanic students. Strategies to promote sense of belonging and embedded achievement at the personal, structural, community, peer, and family levels are discussed.

For the design of power-sharing practices in deeply divided places, there are two main macro-political strategies: consociationalism, developed and defended by Arend Lijphart, and centripetalism, associated with the work of Donald L. Horowitz. In this thesis, I consider the academic debate between advocates of the two approaches and consider the extent to which either model represents a successful tool of ethnic conflict management. Two broad questions are asked: can centripetalism promote political stability in deeply divided places? Can consociationalism? I address these questions by engaging a comparative case analysis of six deeply divided places, three of which have adopted centripetal institutions (Fiji, Sri Lanka, and Nigeria’s Second Republic) and three of which have adopted consociational institutions (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, and Northern Ireland). I present three central arguments in the thesis. First, centripetalism should not be recommended as a strategy of conflict management in deeply divided places. Its track record in such places reveals serious weaknesses. Indeed, it has tended to promote instability and exacerbate division rather than promote moderation. Second, consociationalism is better able to promote stability in deeply divided places. Third, consociationalism’s prospects of promoting stability are further enhanced when it is implemented in a revised and expanded form, labelled here as “comprehensive consociation.” This type of power-sharing addresses issues that go beyond concern with just political institutions, such as security sector reform, property restitution, and the return of refugees. These are the type of issues that are most likely to promote political instability if left unresolved. Failure to deal with such issues, I argue, is likely to make it more difficult for elites to agree to share power, or to maintain such arrangements. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2009-02-12 12:11:51.013

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In Singapore the state defines the parameters of 'ethnic' identity on the basis of the ideology of multiracialism, in which any particular 'ethnic' identity is subsumed under national identity and permitted expression in cultural and economic, but not political, terms. Multiracialism's appeal for the state as well as for its citizens lies in its objective: social cohesion between and equality for the four officially recognized 'racial' groups. Nevertheless, from the viewpoint of the 'Indian' community, this thesis demonstrates how the multiple layers of meaning given to the doctrine and practice of multiracialism by various social actors and their interactions create tensions and contestations in reconciling 'ethnic' and national identity. Public expression of 'ethnic' politics is considered by the state as subversive towards the nation, although the state itself implements its ideology through a stringent regime of 'racial' management directed at every aspect of a Singaporean's social, cultural, economic and political life. The thesis addresses important issues involving 'racial' and 'ethnic' identity, modes of 'ethnic' interaction and nation building in the multiethnic and globalised context of Singapore in general and in 'Little India' in particular. This area, though theoretically democratic in nature, is embedded in state-civil society power relations, with the state setting the agenda for 'ethnic' maintenance and identity. My research interviews demonstrate the dominating and hegemonic power of the state, its paternalistic governance, and its wide network of social control mechanisms organizing 'ethnicity' in Singapore. The historical decision, made firstly by the British colonial administration and thereafter perpetuated by the nation state, to make 'race' the basis of all social classification has had far-reaching consequences. With the postcolonial state wishing to be the sole authority over 'ethnic' practices and discourse, Singaporeans' lives have been heavily conditioned by its impact, which I argue resembles to some extent the 'divide and rule' policy of the colonial regime. 'Race' as the structuring principle and accepted reality of Singapore society since colonial days is so entrenched that it has been essentialised and institutionalised by the state as well as by the people in contemporary Singapore. The terms 'race' and 'ethnicity' are used interchangeably and synonymously in daily usage, though "race" is preferred by political leaders, academics and the population at large. I will argue that with 'race' as the reference point ethnic communities that migrated from China, India and other places became socially, culturally and economically segregated and polarised from colonial days to such an extent that extensive stereotypes and prejudices have fed on their lives. Such perspectives have led to differing constructions of national identity discourses presented by the nation state based on its objectives of 'racial' integration, economic development and national identity. By way of interview and survey material I demonstrate that 'race', ethnicity and national identity as defined and managed by the state have not only been inextricably linked in the everyday lives of Singaporeans but more importantly they have resulted in a resurgence of ethnic consciousness in the last three decades or so, thereby undermining the state's attempts at national identity. My findings are based on responses by Singaporean Indians to various social engineering policies employed by the state as strategies for integrating the diverse ethnic groups and anchored on the ideologies of multiracialism, multiculturalism, multilingualism, multireligiosity and meritocracy. My respondents perceive that these policies are not proactive in fostering 'racial' integration because of growing social and economic inequalities brought about by the collision of ethnic and national identities with 'race'. They feel that the government has strayed from its declared goal of 'multiracialism', emphasized all along as critical to the strength, stability and growth of the nation. Such a situation, they argue, does not augur well for a common national identity that remains elusive in the eyes and minds of Singaporeans.

This thesis focuses on the activities of a group of young French people staying in a hostel in Noumea from 1991 to 1993. It draws on my fieldwork in Noumea and Mare in the Loyalty Islands of New Caledonia. The main part of the thesis looks at the interactions of this group of young people with other ethnic and social groups living in New Caledonia. These include the Kanaks, the "Caldoches" (native-born Caledonians of French origin), the "Metros" (immigrants from metropolitan France), Pacific islanders, Vietnamese and Indonesians. The thesis also includes a short section describing Mare itself and my fieldwork there. Particular attention is paid to the Kanaks and to the Caldoches, whose rural and urban lifestyles are compared and contrasted to those of the young people being studied. Relations between these young people, newly arrived in the French Pacific, and those of the colony's established inhabitants, allow themes of globalization, travel, knowledge, reflexivity and alterity to be explored vis-a-vis anthropological theory. Kanak behaviour, towards Kanaks and others, is shown to relate to ideas of knowledge, power, gender and hierarchy, prevalent in both Polynesia and Melanesia. The work is underpinned by explanations of, and references to, the international and local historical and geographical context of New Caledonian social and political behaviour. It attempts to show the bitter disputes and resentments arising between ethnic groups. It discusses civil unrest, the Kanaks' desire for independence, and some possible economic and social consequences.

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This thesis is about the experience of Muslim British Pakistani families coping with thalassaemia (a chronic, inherited blood disorder) and the implications for service delivery. Its central concern is to illustrate that simplistic and culturally-biased assumptions are an unsatisfactory base on which to devise health service delivery for minority populations, and that with careful study it is possible to deliver culturally sensitive and appropriate services. The thesis is written in four parts. The first part contains the research methods and the clinical aspects of thalassaemia. It also provides an introduction to the families in the study. The British Pakistani population is considered in the context of migration to Britain, which has created a plural society requiring adaptations to services to meet the diverse health needs of the different ethnic minorities. The second part deals with the socio-economic and cultural background of British Pakistanis in Pakistan: this (is) crucial to an understanding of their present situation. Family dynamics, marriage patterns and decision-making processes are explored, as is the central role of religion and kinship networks in the lives of British Pakistanis. It also examines their settlement process and present living conditions and illustrates how the social structures prevalent in Pakistan have been re-established in England, albeit in a modified form. The third part documents, using case studies, the experiences of British Pakistani families with thalassaemic children. These are analysed to highlight deficiencies in health service delivery and areas where cultural misconceptions exist. These areas require attention to provide an effective genetic counselling service for this population. The final part examines the social and clinical implications of consanguineous marriage. It gives the results of a study showing increased frequency of consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis than among Pakistanis in Pakistan. It then illustrates how kinship networks within communities practising this marriage pattern provide an opportunity to offer a genetic counselling service in a unique way, by making positive use of the practice. This proposed approach applies not only to thalassaemia but also to other inherited diseases.