Ethnic minorities in the UK Parliament are numerically under represented, despite recent increases in the number of Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) Members of Parliament in the 2010 and 2015 General Elections. This under-representation is a problem for several reasons but especially because of the possibility that their interests are not adequately represented. In this thesis I ask the complex question of how, why, and when substantive representation of ethnic minorities takes place in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, using a multi-pronged approach. I draw on theories and concepts developed in studies of representation of other historically marginalised groups, including female political representation, gaining insights mainly from those writing in Europe and the USA. In the first of four empirical chapters I examine substantive representation by those Members of Parliament from BME communities, and who thus are descriptive representatives of those communities. Second, I explore substantive representation amongst those who operate as critical actors, who are not necessarily descriptive representatives of these communities. Third, I ask whether Members of Parliament respond in the same way to BME constituents. Finally, I test certain mechanisms that have been proposed as factors underlying substantive representation. I find considerable evidence for a link between descriptive and substantive representation, with BME Members of Parliament responding in ways that are different from their non-BME counterparts when critical events occur, in the way that they speak about and represent ethnic minorities in debates (Chapter 3). I also find that non-BME Members of Parliament, or their offices, are less responsive to an ethnic minority constituent, even when the question asked of the representative is of critical importance (Chapter 5). In each of these chapters I find evidence that both electoral incentives and the political party of the Member of Parliament are important. I also look at substantive representation without descriptive representation, or the potential for non-BME representatives to act for ethnic minorities. I find, in Chapter 4, that these critical actors are most likely to be in the Labour Party and represent ethnically diverse seats, as well as being most often found among BME Members of Parliament. In Chapter 6 I test certain mechanisms proposed as underpinning the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation. There, I find good evidence supporting intrinsic mechanisms; linked fate and a sense of responsibility to represent, and some evidence for electoral incentives as a mechanism. By taking this multi-pronged approach I am able to capture how the substantive representation of ethnic minorities takes place in the UK Parliament, from initial contacts between constituents and their Members of Parliament to how their interests are presented in the House of Commons. Substantive representation is, I argue, a journey, although not necessarily a linear one, which involves constituents' attitudes, how they communicate their concerns to their representatives, and how their representatives communicate them to Parliament. The approach I have taken has allowed me to understand how substantive representation happens at these different stages, and explore why and when representatives are motivated to act for ethnic minorities.

Faculty of Arts Gradute School for the Humanities and Social Sciences 0312764r nini59@yahoo.com / In Zimbabwe, interethnic relations led to animosities and divisions, between and among ethnic groups. Zimbabwe’s main ethnic groups fought interethnic wars in pre-colonial, colonial and post colonial Zimbabwe. Interethnic differences Between Shona and Ndebele people caused the massacres of Ndebele people from 1980 to 1987. This study aimed at determining the impact of social interactions on ethnic identity perceptions or prejudices Shona and Ndebele people of Zimbabwe have of each other within Johannesburg. To do so, I first understood respondents’ perceptions before leaving Zimbabwe and perceptions after social interactions in Johannesburg. The nature and extent of social interactions were surveyed. Sixteen participants from each group were interviewed. Collection of data was made through in depth face to face interviews. Literature was reviewed to construct a theoretical framework for the inquiry. The main finding in this work is that social interactions have helped in weakening negative ethnic identity perceptions Shona and Ndebele people have of each other. A larger number of respondents expressed views which showed support of weakening negative ethnic identity perceptions through social interactions such as intermarriages, street vending associations, church interactions and business sharing. The impact of that on the existing literature is that the findings support the argument that under certain conditions contact leads to the weakening of prejudices, perceptions or attitudes. But there are other minor findings that show that perceptions of few respondents have not changed. Basing on minor findings, I discovered that Shona and Ndebele people might have forgiven each other but that does not necessarily mean that the Shona and Ndebele people like each other as much.

This study examines the roles of white loyalists, Indians and African-Americans in the British effort to regain control of South Carolina and Georgia during the American Revolution, 1775--1782.;British officials believed that support from these three groups would make the conquest of the Deep South colonies a relatively easy task. But when the British launched a major effort to regain first Georgia and then South Carolina, the attempt ultimately ended in failure. Most historians have explained this outcome by arguing that British planning was faulty in its conception, and that officials overestimated both the numbers of southern loyalists and the effectiveness of Indian support.;A detailed account of the contributions loyalists, Indians and slaves made to British operations in the South demonstrates the scope and effectiveness of this support, and concludes that neither a lack of assistance from these three groups nor poorly conceived plans were responsible for British failure to regain control of Georgia and South Carolina. Rather, British leaders failed to coordinate effectively the efforts of their supporters in the Deep South, largely because they did not recognize that the peoples on whom they counted for aid had disparate interests and a history of mutual animosity that needed to be overcome to achieve their full cooperation. Furthermore, the British never provided their supporters with adequate protection from regular troops, which allowed the American rebels to undertake a brutal campaign of suppression against all who favored the royal cause. Although loyalists, Indians, and slaves strove valiantly to aid the British in the face of such persecution, the violence eventually took its toll and enabled the rebels to overcome their opponents.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University, 1984. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 96-99). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1983. / Vita. Bibliography: leaves 110-115.

A better understanding of the role of antigen-presenting cells (APCs) in host resistance to malaria is essential to unravel the complex interactions between the host and the parasite. This would improve the design of malaria vaccines. Mycobacterium bovis Bacillus Calmette-Guérin (BCG) has been utilized as a vector to deliver vaccine candidate antigens. We assessed the immunogenicity of a recombinant BCG-expressing (BCG-CS) circumsporozoite protein (CSp) as a malaria vaccine candidate. Immunization of BALB/c mice with BCG-CS augmented the numbers of dendritic cells (DCs) in draining lymph nodes and in the spleen. The activation markers MHC-class-II, CD40, CD80, and CD86 on DCs were significantly upregulated by BCG-CS as compared to wild-type BCG (wt-BCG). In vitro stimulation of bone marrow-derived DCs and macrophages with BCG-CS induced IL-12 and TNF-α production. BCG-CS induced higher phagocytic activity in macrophages as compared to wt-BCG. Finally, BCG-CS induced CSp-specific antibodies and IFN-γ-producing memory cells. Taken together, we found that BCG-CS is highly efficient in activating innate immune responses and could effectively prime the adaptive immune system. Heterologous prime–boost approaches using vectors are optimal strategies to improve a broad and prolonged immunogenicity of malaria vaccines. We have demonstrated in BALB/c mice that priming with a replication-defective human adenovirus serotype 35 (Ad35) vector encoding CSp (Ad35-CS), followed by boosting with BCG-CS, maintained antibody responses and significantly increased levels of long-lived plasma cells (LLPC) and IFN-g-producing cells in response to CSp peptides. The increased number of IFN-g-producing cells induced by the combination of Ad35-CS/BCG-CS and the sustained type 1 antibody profile, together with high levels of LLPCs, may be essential for the development of long-term protective immunity against liver-stage parasites. Fulani and Dogon, two sympatric ethnic groups living in northeastern Mali, are characterized by a marked difference in the susceptibility to P. falciparum malaria. We investigated whether APCs obtained from Fulani and Dogon children exhibited differences in terms of activation status and toll-like receptor (TLR) responses during malaria infection. We observed decreased activation of APCs and markedly suppressed TLR responses in Dogon children as compared to Fulani. These findings suggest that APCs and TLR signaling may be of importance for the protective immunity against malaria observed in the Fulani. In conclusion, this thesis provides new insights that could facilitate a rational design of novel vaccines against malaria. Furthermore, the results elicit some immunological bases of the APC activation underlying the differences in host susceptibility to malaria infections. / At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: In Press. Paper 2: Manuscript.

Ethnic tourism has emerged as a means that is employed by many countries to facilitate economic and cultural development and to assist in the preservation of ethnic heritage. However, while ethnic tourism has the potential to bring economic and social benefits it can also significantly impact traditional cultures, ways of life and the sense of identity of ethnic groups. There is growing concern in many places about how to balance the use of ethnicity as a tourist attraction with the protection of minority cultures and the promotion of ethnic pride. Despite the fact that a substantial literature is devoted to the impacts of ethnic tourism, little research has been done on how to plan ethnic tourism attractions or to manage community impacts of tourism. This research addresses the need for more research on planning for ethnic tourism by exploring the status and enhancement of planning strategies for ethnic tourism development. Drawing upon existing literature, a conceptual framework was developed and adopted to study ethnic tourism in a well-known ethnic tourist destination in China – Xishuangbanna, Yunnan. The research analyzes how ethnic tourism has been planned and developed at the study site and examines associated socio-cultural and planning issues. The framework is employed to compare and evaluate the perspectives of four key stakeholder groups (the government, tourism entrepreneurs, ethnic minorities and tourists) on ethnic tourism through on-site observation, interviews with government officials, planners and tourism entrepreneurs, surveys of tourists and ethnic minority people, and evaluation of government policies, plans and statistics. Economic advantages have been a driving force in ethnic tourism development. The government and tourism entrepreneurs are the main powers in developing ethnic tourism, but most of them are not ethnic members. Their administrative and commercial involvement in tourism strongly shapes the ways of staging, packaging and representing ethnic culture in tourism sites. Authenticity of attractions is not determined by the resource providers, the ethnic minorities, but is shaped by decisions of government and entrepreneurs. The commodification of ethnic culture and the production of cultural events and other tourist products are manipulated to fit the interests of business and political mandates. Minority people are usually marginalized or disadvantaged economically and politically because they have limited control over tourism resources and activities. Most minority people employed in tourism hold only low-paying jobs. The findings show that the production and commodification of ethnic culture is often accompanied by tensions among economic, political and cultural goals. Economic motives often outweigh other goals in tourism development. Thus, the balance between the use of tourism as a form of economic development and the preservation of ethnic culture should be addressed in tourism planning. More effective planning is required to mitigate negative impacts and to reinforce the positive aspects of ethnic tourism.