The purpose of this thesis is to answer the question of what determines the success of Civil Military Operations (CMO). With the United States military involved in the largest CMO mission since World War II in Iraq, answering this question becomes even more important. In this thesis, success will not be confined to tactical, operational or strategic CMO success. To determine what causes success or failure in CMO, this thesis will conduct three different case study analyses of Iraq based on the three predominant ethno-religious regions of the country: Kurdish North, Sunni Center, and Shi'a South. In order to analyze, compare, and contrast these three separate cases, this thesis will use three independent variables: integration of CMO in all phases of the operations; balance of CMO between the combat or civilian operations; and attitude of the Host Nation (HN) or occupied area. These variables set the conditions necessary for CMO success. In conclusion, this thesis provides essential principles for CMO planning and identifies requirements in doctrine, training, organization, and structure of CMO forces for future operations.

Afghanistan is facing the daunting challenge of creating a stable, all inclusive and democratically based government that will be viewed as legitimate among all ethnic, social and religious groups. This will be a great trial for Afghans, who for decades have faced the realities of ethnic fragmentation and its impact on politics, culture and society of Afghanistan. The focus of this thesis will be on ethnic fragmentation, nationalism, and social structure, as they relate to state formation and democratic development. This thesis assumes these concepts are critical for democratic development in societies with multiple ethnic enclaves and multiple ethnic identities. Four former Afghan regimes are examined and used as case studies in this effort. Specifically, these regimes are analyzed in order to determine how each attempted to overcome cleavages within society during the process of state formation. The case study findings are then used prognostically to assess the current attempt to build a democratic Afghanistan. The thesis concludes with an assessment for success of the current Afghan government and presents recommendations for increasing the overall probability for Afghan democratic development and national cohesion.

This thesis is based on a qualitative study of a black voluntary organisation, the Sheffield Black Justice Project. The purpose of the organisation is to offer practical advice to local black people about any aspect of the criminal justice process and the main part of its work involves operating a Help On Arrest Scheme. The thesis sets out to explore significant gaps in sociological knowledge about the participation of black people in voluntary organisations, the racialisation of identity and criminal justice issues. The research was concerned with an investigation of how volunteers from a variety of racialised groups understood the meaning and role of 'race' as they participated in the Black Justice Project. It assessed how far a successful collective response was possible in this specific social context and evaluated the extent to which the project was able to balance the needs and interests of local black people with those of supporting statutory organisations. Three central research questions have been addressed. Firstly, the research has examined the nature of and reasons for the volunteers' involvement in the Black Justice Project. Secondly, it has considered how volunteers perceived their identity to be racialised in relation to other black and white people both within the project and more widely. Thirdly, it has compared and contrasted the understanding of the volunteers with that of custody officers working in South Yorkshire Police, to provide detailed information about the ways in which each group interprets both the relationship between black people and the police and black people's experiences of criminal justice. The fieldwork consisted of two methodological elements. Firstly, a series of semistructured interviews was conducted with the three main groups involved in the research. A sample of thirty volunteers of varied racialised origin was interviewed. Those involved with the management of the project were also interviewed as well as various police officers, including one-third of custody officers in Sheffield. Secondly, informal participant observation of the project was undertaken over a period of two years. Overall, the thesis demonstrates that the Black Justice Project's apparent success resulted from a careful management of its image rather than a comprehensive implementation of the black perspective defined by the volunteers. However, it was found that the black perspective itself was based on the highly questionable notion of an essentialised black identity. The thesis demonstrates how racialised identity is always a process of accommodation, negotiation and transformation involving both group identification and categorisation by others. The research also revealed that the job-related objectives of the volunteers were thwarted by the custody officers who, it was found, effectively adhered to their job related priorities and so racialised the project's Help On Arrest Scheme. It was found that these two groups had a very different interpretation of the nature of police-black relations to the extent that the volunteers regarded raciaIised policing as the norm whereas the officers regarded it as an extremely infrequent deviation from it.

<p>In spite of a host of early twenty-first century claims regarding the dawn of a "post-racial" or "anti-racial" era, race remains an important problem for understanding contemporary power. This dissertation provides a genealogical examination of the multiple forms and functions that comprise white raciality in the twenty-first century United States. Situating whiteness in relation to the social and financial circuitry of neoliberal globalization, I contend that it is an inextricable component of an emergent mode of governmentality. A critique of scholarly work in and around Whiteness Studies conditions the theoretical interventions of the project as a whole and grounds my argument for a new framework of analysis. </p><p>Following the work of Michel Foucault, I investigate the development of a novel form of whiteness whose undergirding logic functions not by differentiation but by way of similitude. Instead of emphasizing and enforcing exclusions upon difference, this `sympathetic' form of raciality works to neutralize and recuperate it. Finally, via Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, I discuss the necessity of reimagining race ontologically as well as epistemologically, and confronting its collusion with other forms of power in order to analyze the risks that the flexibilization of whiteness poses--to subjects living under its rule and to its own conditions of existence.</p> / Dissertation

This research examines the relationship between 'race' and class in Britain. This is achieved by considering how these two concepts articulate in the overall structuring of class relationships in a society which is typified by the incorporatation of black labour into a majority white society, This relationship is examined through an investigation of those black workers who occupy a position in the objectively defined middle class. The basic theme underlying this research is that 'race, in the form of structural racism, plays a significant role at two levels. Firstly, it serves to structure the class position of black labour in Britain. Secondly, it serves to determine the type of race, class and political consciousness generated by black labour. The study was carried out in the London area. Occupation was used as an indicator of 'objective' class position when selecting respondents to be included in the two survey populations required for the research. A 'network' approach was used to actually locate the respondents. In-depth interviews were carried out with all the respondents. The study concludes that the concepts of 'race' and class are not independent of each other in the overall structuring of class relationships between black and white labour. It is argued that the inter-relationship identified between these two concepts serves to highlight the fact that the structural position of black labour, the type of consciousness generated and the type of decisions taken by those who took part in the research are to a large extent a result of the structural constraints deriving from the effects of structural racism in Britain.

'British Racial Discourse' is a study of political discourse about race and race-related matters. The explanatory theory is adapted from current sociological studies of ideology with a heavy emphasis on the tradition developed from Marx and Engels's Feuerbach. The empirical data is drawn from the parliamentary debates on immigration and the Race Relations Bills, Conservative and Labour Party Conference Reports, and a set of interviews with Wolverhampton Borough councillors. Although the thesis has broader significance for British political discourse about race, it is particularly concerned with the responses of members of the two main political parties, rather than with the more overt and sensational racism of certain extreme Right-wing groups. Indeed, as the study progresses, it focuses more and more narrowly on the phenomenon of 'deracialised' discourse, and the details of the predominantly class-based justificatory systems of the Conservative and Labour Parties. Of particular interest are the argument forms (used in the debates on immigration and race relations) which manage to obscure the white electorate's responsibility for prejudice and discrimination. Such discoursive forms are of major significance for understanding British race relations, and their detailed examination provides an insight into the way in which 'ideological facades' are created and maintained.

This thesis examines the teachers' and the pupils' relations in_the schooling of blac k boys. The study using the ° methodology of participant observation focusses on one school (Kilby) in an area of black population in an English city. The thesis' s intentions are two fold: firstly, in order to examine these relations, two major aspects of their interaction are addressed, that of the absence of teachers from conventional :'orace-relations' research, and, the identification and examination of the anti-school pupils' sub-cultures. Two substantive questions are asked: what is the response of the teachers to the schooling of black pupils? and, what is the meaning of the pupils' resistance to schooling? Secondly, in attempting to answer these questions and offer a critique of the dominant ~race-relations' culturalist explanation of black youth's response to schooling, a theoretical framework nas been developed which takes account of both the 'econo~c' and the 'sociological' perspectives. Methodology allowed and pointed to the importance of examining the teachers' ideologies and practices as well as those of the black boys. It is argued that a class analysis of the racially structured British society is more adequate than the conventional ethnic approach in explaining the black boys' location within Kilby school. Hence, it is posited that the major problem in the schooling of black youth is not that of their culture but of racism, which pervasively structures the social reality at Kilby school. Racism is mediated both through the existing institutional framew~rk that discriminates against working-class youth and through the operation of race specific mechanisms, such as the process of racist stereotyping. It is thus further argued that the Kilby school teachers are of central causal significance to the problems that the boys encounter. Furthermore, it is in response to these racist ideologies and practices that both West Indian and Asian pupils develop specific forms of collective resistance, which are seen to be linked to the wider black community, as legitimate strategies of survival.

This study of attitudes to race and ethnicity is based on data derived from a questionnaire administered by the researcher to a multi-ethnic/multi-racial sample of 598 pupils and students in March 1974 Trinidad. A supplementary experiment was conducted in February 1979, involving 121 students These data are employed as a pivotal point for a broader discussion of the significance of race and ethnicity in the society" and the interpretation of these findings is sought in the society's modern history and the inter-ethnic rivalries, disputes and beliefs imposed in large measure by the structure of the society. All respondents, regardless of race, ascribed characteristic patterns of prestige, in political, economic, social and cultural terms, to the different racial groups. Generally the different races subscribe to essentially similar stereotypes of other racial groups (the findings of this part of the study were limited by a very low response rate however). Indians were portrayed as hardworking' and 'ambitious'&dot; Chinese were seen as 'business-minded' and 'hardworking'&dot; Indians were described as too culturally separate, and the Chinese as mean&dot; The Negroes were seen as lazy and lacking business ability, whites were portrayed as 'racists', 'exploiters' and possessing high socio economic status* These stereotypes like the prestige rankings, reflect the historically ascribed roles of the different groups in colonial society. In addition there were several indications of own-group/out-group polarisations among the primary groups (i.e. negro, Indian, white and Chinese) in their close friendship associations, admitted ethnic preferences, and attitudes to the two dominant cultures - Indian and creole. There was some variation between the groups in the extent of own-group preference&dot; The mixed-race group emerged as the most popular out-group, perhaps because respondents wished to display the ideal of non-racism, or because of the mixed-race's mainstream status in creole society. The mixed race does not have the full status of an out-group vis a vis any one of the primary groups it occupies a relatively neutral position. These results suggest that the mode of introduction of diverse ethnic and racial groups, to perform definite roles on plantations, set in motion a chain of events whereby race and ethnicity have emerged as salient reference points around which individuals organise them-selves, for the accruing of social rewards and the imputation of social propensities and potentialities. This process forms the basis for inter-ethnic and inter-racial rivalries and tensions. The implications seem clear; unless the social structure is altered towards a more positive base, supportive of the needs of all, irrespective of race and/or ethnicity, the threat of open conflict stemming from inter-ethnic and/or inter-racial conflict and tensions will persist.

<p> This project argues that the National Park Service (NPS) functions as an agent of the state in perpetuating American imperialism throughout the Pacific World through presenting WWII narratives of sacrifice as worthy of inclusion into the nation. These narratives, I argue, reinforce American occupation in islands and regions that have contested relations to the nation. This project is informed by scholarship in rhetorical criticism of public memory and in American Studies analyses of the nation as an empire. Methodologically, I have combined fieldwork at each park site and official public interpretive materials, with historical archives related to the formation, design, and management of the parks to understand the relationship between past and present. Part I of this project examines War in the Pacific National Historical Park in the American territory of Guam and American Memorial Park in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. I focus my argument here on how NPS narratives of WWII cannot be separated from historical and contemporary American military interests in the Mariana Islands and the Pacific World. Part II approaches the three units of the World War II Valor in the Pacific National Monument in Hawai&rsquo;i, Alaska, and California, with each state&rsquo;s focus, development, and accessibility being appreciably different. I argue that all are concerned with the legacies of militarized land use and narratives of sacrifice for and belonging to the nation.</p>

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