[pt] O principal objetivo desta dissertação é o de analisar de que forma a transição portuguesa para a democracia, iniciada pela Revolução de 25 de abril, foi determinante para a mudança drástica no conteúdo da política externa do país. Mais especificamente, analisamos de que forma a mudança na relação entre o Estado e a sociedade portuguesa, provocada pela ruptura revolucionária com o regime autoritário, favoreceu a adoção da opção européia da política externa portuguesa. Para além de uma opção econômica, a adesão de Portugal à Comunidade Econômica Européia implicou na adoção de uma nova identidade e um novo posicionamento do país no cenário internacional. Assim, depois de um debate teórico em que demonstramos a interação necessária entre as esferas doméstica e internacional, procuramos demonstrar a relação entre mudança de regime político e mudança de política externa. Em primeiro lugar, caracterizamos a redemocratização portuguesa como uma transição política por ruptura e analisamos os impactos deste modo de transição sobre a mudança de regime e sobre o conteúdo de política externa de um país. Depois, utilizando um modelo teórico, procuramos identificar a relação entre Estado e sociedade como uma das propriedades do regime político capazes de exercer influência sobre o conteúdo de política externa. Uma vez estabelecida a relação entre esta propriedade do regime e o conteúdo da política externa, analisamos a mudança ocorrida nesta relação após a Revolução dos Cravos. / [en] The main goal of this dissertation is the analysis of the impact of the portuguese democratic transition on the nature of the country s foreing policy. More specifically, our purpose is to analyse how the change caused by the political transition in the state-society relations determined Portugal s accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. More than an economic necessity, EEC membership meant a new identity for Portugal, from an overseas empire to an modern, european country. In the first chapter, after a theoretical debate, where we highlight the interaction between the domestic and the international arenas, we narrow our focus and try to explain the relational ties between political change and foreign policy. In that sense, it is important to identify the impact of the mode of transition on the nature of the new regime and, as a consequence, on its foreign policy. There, we classify the portuguese transition as a reform throug rupture. Then, using a theoretical model, we try to understand the relevance of the state-society relation as a variable for explaining foreign policy change. In the second and third chapters, we analyse the relational ties between this variable and the portuguese foreign policy under the Estado Novo and after the Carnation s Revolution.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Pas de résumé / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The aim with this thesis is to find out how one can understand the exceptions not to introduce the euro as the currency of Denmark and the United Kingdom, as well as their attitude to European integration. It has been implemented in a comparative case study using theories in which the case has been the central focus of the investigation. The theories being used is rational actor model that emphasizes rational decision-making and self-interest. In comparison to that theory has a historical institutional perspective been used, which emphasizes path-dependency and critical events. The focus of the study is the time when the countries became members of the European Economic Community in 1973 to the Maastricht Treaty in 1993 where these exceptions not to introduce the euro as the currency was ratified. In the analysis section, one can see portions of both theories to a varying degree. The conclusions of the study is that both countries show a skeptical attitude to European integration and that the exceptions to not introduce the euro as a currency is based on this critical view of moving power to centralized institutions.

This thesis attempts to show that, although it is in the interest of regional common market organizations to regulate foreign direct investment, such regulation will probably be unsuccessful unless the regulations are lenient to business and are not used as instruments of major political goals. The east African Community, the Andean Common Market, and the European Economic Community are examined. Research sources used were United States government publications, documents from the common markets involved, United Nations and International Monetary Fund statistics, articles from major political science and business journals, and books.

À la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Europe est affaiblie et divisée. Les horreurs de la guerre amènent les Européens à repenser leur cohabitation et l’idée d’une Europe, unie par des liens économiques et politiques forts, germe dans l’esprit des Européens. Ils créent alors la CECA en 1951 puis, sept ans plus tard, la Communauté économique européenne. Puisque cette dernière aura du succès, certains pays européens, dont la Grande-Bretagne, demandent à la rejoindre. La France d’alors, sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle, s’oppose à cette demande d’adhésion à deux reprises, en 1963 et en 1967. Il faut attendre l’arrivée de Georges Pompidou à l’Élysée pour que Londres intègre la CEE. L’élargissement de la Communauté est un évènement important; il a un impact direct sur le rôle de la France en Europe et dans le monde. Il a également une incidence certaine sur le rôle de l’Europe dans le monde bipolaire de l’époque, ainsi que sur ses relations avec l’allié américain. La presse des pays concernés suivra ces évènements avec intérêt, telle la presse quotidienne française, qui commente abondamment les décisions prises par son gouvernement. Le présent mémoire, qui étudie certains journaux d’importance à la lumière des ouvrages d’érudition et des sources primaires, analyse thématiquement la position de journaux français de diverses tendances politiques sur la politique française au cours des trois demandes. / Following the Second World War, Europe was divided and weak. The horrors of war forced Europeans to rethink how to co-exist and the idea of a united Europe with strong economical and political ties grew among them. The ECSC was created in 1951 and then, seven years later, the European Economic Community. When the latter succeeded, some European countries, like Great Britain, asked to join. France, and its president Charles de Gaulle, objected to the British application on two occasions, in 1963 and in 1967. London had to wait for the arrival of a new French president, Georges Pompidou, to be officially accepted in the EEC. The enlargement of the Community was an important event because it had an impact on France’s role in Europe and in the world. It also influenced Europe’s role in the then bipolar world and on its relations with the United States. The national press of the countries involved covered the events surrounding the enlargement with interest. The French daily press commented on them at length. Using both historical studies and primary sources, this thesis thematically analyzes the views of French newspaper of different political horizons on French policy surrounding the three British applications.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Eberhard-Karls-Universität zu Tübingen, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 170-174).

published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Pas de résumé / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished