The free movement of persons in the EU has been fraught with tension since the Eastern enlargements. This culminated in 2016 when the UK demanded the possibility to limit rights and benefits to intra-EU migrants, making for a fresh investigation into the state of the free movement. From a constructivist perspective of rights and citizenship this in-depth case study aims to elucidate how EU actors describe the free movement of persons. It will further look at how they situate limitations and obstacles and analyze what this reflects in terms of underlying logics and rationales of rights and citizenship in the EU free movement regime. The interviews with EU actors reveal how distinctions of politically constructed categories of migrants which define Insiders and Outsiders are used to rationalize who has the right to social rights. Inclusion is defined in terms of market liberalism and individual responsibility, logics which thus also define the Insiders of Europe. This produces an image of the EU citizen and indirectly defines those who diverge from this image as Outsiders, including “lesser” Europeans. The underlying logics within the EU could therefore contribute to negative perceptions of those who cannot meet the requirements of the ideal European.

This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.

The changing character of the economic environment in the last quarter of the twentieth century has resulted in a continuous process of restructuring in the economy of Spain, mediated through the structure and regulatory framework of the economy. Three specific themes contributing to restructuring are addressed: globalisation of the economy, European integration, and the role of the public sector. Globalisation ofthe economy is demonstrated through increased international flows of goods, capital, people and information, and by the incorporation of businesses in Spain within the corporate networks of foreign multinational companies. Spanish businesses too have been extending their global reach, especially into Latin America. European integration has been part of the globalisation process. A substantial proportion of international flows are now concentrated within the European Union and business networks have been adapting to the 'Single European Market'. European integration has dominated economic policy, first in measures to secure membership of the European Economic Community, then in measures to adjust to the regulatory environment of the European Community and finally in the race to achieve the Maastricht criteria. The role of the public sector in restructuring has been to 'manage' the market forces unleashed by the liberalisation ofthe economy. Market forces, embracing increased competition and technological change, have driven the restructuring process demanding responses from the government. These responses have increasingly been constrained by the shedding of responsibilities upwards to international organisations and downwards to lower tiers of administration. Isolation, protection and goverrunent intervention in the economy have given way to a more liberal, open and international environment. Transformation in the mode of regulation from state corporatism to neo-liberalism has been accompanied by globalisation of the economy, particularly integration into the European economy and the corporate space of multinational companies. Nevertheless, despite the growing emphasis on globalisation, public policy continues to play a crucial role influencing the pace, if not the direction, of restructuring.

This thesis is focused on the British entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The reasons why the United Kingdom was led to join the Community are researched in great details. Such reasons also influence the attitude and behaviour of the United Kingdom toward the European Union at present. This historical backdrop could account for British reluctance to join the Community in 1950' as well as the present attitude of British politicians toward the EU. The main British political parties, namely the Conservative Party and the Labour Party, stood on the same side as far as the basic goal was concerned - to maintain the British Empire after the 2WW. The collapse of the British Empire, the poor economy and the Cold War all forced British political parties to find a new position for the United Kingdom in the post-war world. Key words: Great Britain, the Conservative Party, the Labour Party, European Communities

Tourism is expected to be the world's future. The most important aspects of tourism are particularly the effects on GDP, employment, capital investment and the balance of payments. The important role of tourism in European economies is acknowledged by the European Union itself, which seeks to create a common tourism policy. The purpose of this work is to define the EU tourism policy, primarily in the terms of legal instruments and regional policy, and determine whether and to what extent that policy has its impact on tourism in the Czech Republic. The first chapter will explain the basic concepts and definitions of tourism and its economic importance for the economy. The second section will describe the development of European tourism policy; for better understanding this part will also define EU institutions responsible for tourism, their competencies and used instruments to promote tourism, including the Structural Funds. The third part of the thesis will provide basic information about legislation and strategic documents in tourism in the Czech Republic, but the central part of the chapter will be devoted to the influence of the European Union to the tourism policy in the Czech Republic. The fourth chapter presents the EU's regional policy as a tool to influence the tourism policy in the Czech Republic and its regions.

This work aims to bring readers the relatively in the Czech Republic unknown issue of central banking in France. During the 210 years-long history of operation of the Banque de France has been quite a substantial development of its legal status and monetary policy, which the author tries to show. As part of this development is also described the participation of France and its central bank in the international monetary integration, in which helping shape this country very much involved. In addition, this work deals with the circumstances and ways of creating a modern French monetary policy making, and being represented by the Banque de France as part of national economic policy as part of a supranational European System of Central Banks. The work complements the analysis of the current state of the French economy from the perspective of the Banque de France.

Austria, Finland and Sweden - all small highly developed industrial and rich countries - entered the EU in 1995. Their macroeconomic performance since then was quite different. Real GDP in Finland und Sweden increased faster than in EU average, while those of Austria fell back. Austria lost its second rank in GDP per capita (at PPS) and is now the fourth richest EU country; Sweden fell back from the seventh to the eight rank, while Finland improved its position from rank 11 to nine. In a referendum in September 2003 Sweden refused to take over the Euro, whereas the other two countries are members of the Euro area. Ex post model simulations indicate that Finland appears to have profited most from EU membership (0.7 percentage point greater annual GDP growth since 1995), followed by Austria (+0.4 percent) and Sweden (+0.3 percent). / Series: EI Working Papers / Europainstitut

Notre recherche a pour objectif d'expliquer pourquoi la France, qui pourtant est un des pays à l'origine de la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme, met vingt-cinq ans à ratifier cette Convention, et même trente ans avant d'autoriser le droit de recours individuel. Pour ce faire, nous avons dû prendre en compte de nombreux facteurs.Tout d'abord, l'évolution politique interne à la France. En effet, sous la Quatrième République, la question des colonies puis la question de la liberté de l'enseignement vont bloquer le processus de ratification. Puis, à partir de 1956 et du début de la guerre d'Algérie, la question de la ratification est bloquée. Aux débuts de la Cinquième République, la vision gaulliste de la justice et de l'Europe retardent de nouveau la ratification, malgré des mobilisations de parlementaires et de certains juristes. Finalement, au début des années 1970, la situation se débloque, Pompidou se montre plus européen et s'allie avec les centristes, c'est à la faveur d'un accord politique et après une mobilisation de nombreux acteurs menée par René Cassin, la Convention est ratifiée en 1974, mais avec des réserves et sans le droit de recours individuel. Il faudra attendre l'arrivée de Mitterrand au pouvoir pour que soit autorisé ce droit de recours. Tout au long de cette période, différents acteurs se sont mobilisés en faveur de la ratification de la CEDH.Au-delà des accords politiques, la ratification peut s'expliquer par tout une série de facteurs contextuels qui vont dans son sens et qui sont dans la continuité de l'avant Seconde Guerre mondiale. Tout d'abord, sur le plan interne, le contrôle de constitutionnalité est progressivement accepté par les juristes et les responsables politiques, ce contrôle marque la remise en cause du légicentrisme français, remise en cause nécessaire pour accepter la CEDH. Parallèlement, s'installe progressivement un droit européen, mis en place par la CJCE, l'acceptation de ce droit par les institutions politiques et judiciaires françaises et l'intérêt porté par la CJCE aux droits de l'Homme dans les années 1970, leur permettent de se familiariser avec l'idée qu'un droit externe, protecteur des libertés publiques, peut avoir une influence sur le droit français. La mise en place de la Commission puis de la Cour EDH et le développement de leur jurisprudence, qui est respectueuse des intérêts des Etats, va permettre de faciliter l'acceptation de ces institution. Enfin, la question droits de l'Homme, qui a été quelque peu mise de côté après 1950, revient en force à partir de la fin des années 1960 et devient à cette époque un concept, une idée omniprésente dans les médias et les discours politiques. Tous ces facteurs montrent une évolution de l'air du temps et des idées dominantes. Leur évolution est parallèle à l'acceptation de la CEDH, certes, ce ne sont pas des facteurs directs, mais ils marquent l'implantation dans la société des idées sous-jacentes dans la Convention EDH. / Our research aim to explain why it took twenty-five years to France to ratify the ECHR, even though France was one of the ECHR founding countries. We even had to wait until 1981, to see the individual petitions authorized in France. There are several factors to take into account.First, domestic politics are important. Under the Fourth Republic, colonial issues and then freedom of education are preventing France to ratify the Convention. Then, there are the Algerian war which completely block any possibility of ratification. After 1958, de Gaulle is the Président and his vision of justice and Europe are not compatible with the ECHR, therefore, the ratification is once more postpone, even though jurists and politicians are mobilized. Finally, at the beginning of the 1970s, Pompidou is more open to European ideas and he needs to make an alliance with the centrists. After a long mobilisation, led by René Cassin, the ECHR is ratify in 1974, with reserves and without individual right to petition. We have to wait until 1981, and François Mitterrand to see this right recognized. During this period, we have to emphasize the role of various actors who mobilized in favor of the ratification.In parallel to these political evolutions, the background changed between 1950 and 1970, and led to an easier acceptance of the ideas at the heart of the ECHR. First of all, judicial review is more and more accepted in France by both jurists and politicians. This review questioned the french legicentrism and make the acceptance of a conventional control easier. During the same period, a European Law is created by the European court of justice, which led to a better familiarity (not yet acceptance) with the possibility of having internal law influenced by an external one.The work of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court, is also instrumental into the acceptation of the ECHR. Their jurisprudence, in this period, takes into account the reluctance of the Member-States to see an external body judge their law, therefore, the ECHR doesn't seem to be menacing. Finally, we see the rise of Human Rights during this period, starting in the 1960s. Human Rights became in the 1970s a central issue in domestic and foreign affairs, medias and public society took an interest in their defense. It became central in politics. All these factors show an evolution of the mainstream ideas which led to an easier acceptation of the ECHR, even though there are not directly linked.

Although civil societies in Central and Eastern Europe are often portrayed as similar, united by a shared communist past, they have developed along increasingly divergent trajectories over the past three decades. This article investigates the current state of civil society in the region and the role the institutional context plays in it. Drawing on historical institutionalism and the process of European integration, we classify the 14 countries under investigation into three distinct groups and analyze data from a survey of more than 350 local civil society experts. We find that, together with domestic governments, international donors and the EU are perceived as the most influential institutional actors for civil society organizations. Their respective influences, however, depend largely on a country's stage in the EU accession process. Overall, the study provides a differentiated mapping of civil society in this region and a better understanding of how the institutional context relates to a Country's civil society.

This thesis explores the relationship between the colour-blind public philosophy of republicanism and the French state's policies targeting the Roma. It addresses one core research question: how did political actors use neo-republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma? To do this, it examines the discourse of French and European Union (EU) actors involved in the formulation and implementation of polices targeting the Roma from 2010 to 2016. This discourse comprised political speeches, policy reports, memos, media clippings and 50 in-depth interviews with French and EU actors. Building on Christina Boswell and James Hampshire's theory of discursive strategies, this thesis focuses on the strategic deployment of republican ideas, notably the ways in which political actors were able to exploit their polyvalence. This thesis argues that political actors used four key republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma in France. First, a commitment to universalism allowed political actors to deny accusations of ethnic targeting while pursuing policies that disproportionally targeted Roma migrants. Second, political actors deployed the idea of a 'neutral' public sphere to justify the eviction and deportation of residents living in so-called Roma camps. Third, political actors used a logic of administrative selection to predetermine which evicted 'Roma' migrants were worthy of state support. Fourth, recipients of this support were subject to a state-led process of assimilation akin to a modern 'civilising mission', which political actors defended as a necessary step towards integration. This thesis concludes that it was precisely the polyvalence of republican ideas that allowed actors to deploy them to communicate and justify discriminatory policies. In doing so, it builds upon a growing literature on the role of republicanism in contemporary French politics and provides a rich empirical study that captures the influence of a general public philosophy on specific policy decisions. Additionally, it extends recent scholarship on the treatment of the Roma in Europe and contributes to debate about the challenges of free movement in an enlarged EU.