Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014. The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in Sweden. Through a case-study based on six in-depth interviews with immigrants voting for Sverigedemokraterna, the study looks into issues regarding social group identification as the issue of identification with or repudiation of the ‘outgroup’ appears, from previously conducted research, to be a key issue. An analysis of policy documents of Sverigedemokraterna, previously conducted research and finally an interview conducted by a Swedish anti-racist organization is also included in the case-study. The study shows that the reasons behind immigrant extreme right-wing voting behavior present substantial similarities with other highly represented groups of extreme right-wing voters in that voting is, in line with Realistic Conflict Theory, encouraged by a perceived socio-economic threat emanating from an identified ‘outgroup’. Further, the study validates the assumption of ‘in-’ and ‘outgroup’ identification as being a key issue in determining motives behind extreme right-wing voting. The key explanatory factor of the voting behavior of the studied group indeed shows to be the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’. Finally, the study shows that the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’, removes the theoretical base for assuming that immigrants should be expected to show favorable attitudes towards the group of immigrants in general.

Master thesis "The comparison of political and cultural activities of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany during 90's in the 20th century" is firstly defining the terms related to study of the extreme right. Secondly, the thesis is analyzing success of German and Czech extreme right wing parties in the elections, then establishing and forms of membership in the extreme right organizations, making demonstrations, protest events and violent acts with extreme right context which are organized by supporters of the extreme right thoughts. Thirdly, the thesis is focusing on cultural activities, such as live music events with extreme right music artists, with outlining the lyrics of these Czech and German artists. Finally, comparative analysis is describing the form and frequency of all political and cultural activities. Conclusion of the thesis is that forms of the extreme right in the Czech Republic and Germany in the 90's were very similar, however in Germany these activities were more regular and more brutal. KEYWORDS Extreme right wing, ultra - right, neo - Nazism, extreme right wing parties, extreme right organizations, skinheads.

This case study aims to explore the social sustainability in a middle-sized city with extreme-right wing presence. The chosen middle-sized city had the Nordic Resistance Movement, an extreme and violent organisation with Nazi-ideology, in the local government election period 2014-2018. Even though the Nordic Resistance Movement is not in the local government, currently they still have social influence in the city. Schools in the middle-sized city have been under extra pressure due to propaganda on school areas and recruitment efforts. The Swedish government specifically target youth in relation to extremism because youth and children are considered a risk group for all forms of extremism. A selected group of youth, forty in total, in the middle-sized city answered an attitude survey, and four of them answered semi-structured interviews to give a deeper understanding of the survey answers. The results from the survey and interviews show that the youth had strong opinions on the presence of the Nordic Resistance Movement in their hometown. A majority of the youth perceived that Nordic Resistance Movement was present and made contact attempts in town, on social media and with graffiti and pamphlets. Furthermore, the youth responded that they wanted harder actions towards extreme-right wing organisations from the school, media, police and the justice system. Finally, the youth answered that adults around them could be both with and against the Nordic Resistance Movement, the same with the respondents themselves, indicating a polarised civil society. As for the future, the youth answered that they believe that the Nordic Resistance Movement will increase in the future, and they wanted harder regulations from the government to hinder an increase of the Nordic Resistance Movement. The social sustainability in the middle-sized city is not lost according to the youths, it can be sustainable with the help of governmental support.

This diploma thesis analyzes the coalition ties that have been established within the anti- Islamic scene in the Czech Republic. The analysis includes the most important counter- Islamic entities in the Czech Republic, namely the National Democracy, the Workers' Party of Social Justice, Dusk and its followers, and the Bloc against Islam and its followers. The theoretical basis of the thesis is the theory of coalitions. The aim of the thesis is to answer the questions why the anti-Islamic subjects of the coalition or other forms of co-operation follow up and why they do not follow them, even if they are offered because of their situation. Another aim of the thesis is to point out the possibility of using part of the theoretical approaches of the theory of coalition with certain modifications to the specific environment of the anti-Islamic scene in the Czech Republic, which is quite different from the national environment, for which the concepts of coalition theory were predominantly created. The thesis is divided into two parts. The theoretical part introduces theoretical concepts and approaches that have been used in the work. The second, empirical, part presents the development of individual subjects and, above all, the established coalition ties and cooperation. The last chapter summarizes the...

The Diploma thesis focuses on examination of real interconnection between political extremism and hardcore fans of Bohemians 1905, Slavie Praha and Sparta Praha. The research itself is therefore concentrated primarily on people associated with political extremism and their relation to groups of ultras and hooligans and furthermore their influence on these groups. The theoretical part of the thesis introduces theory of political extremism, typology groups of people attending football games, their development and the reasons of their politicization. The analytical part elaborates particulary the different Prague football clubs and their fans. Part of the data is applied from fourteen half-structured interviews with ultras and hooligans representatives of these clubs. The goal of the thesis is to clarify the real scale of interconnection between political activists and hardcore fans on the one hand, and on the other hand to point out and explain the attempts of political extremist to penetrace into this enviroment and assess the degree of their success.

Alors que la reconstruction matérielle du pays s’achevait au milieu des années Vingt, il en allait de même pour le champ politique français. A partir de 1924, le retour à une nette bipolarisation entre gauche et droite eut un effet structurant sur le champ politique français, qui n’avait plus connu une telle configuration depuis le début du XXe siècle. Les élections de 1924, marquées par la victoire du Cartel des gauches face au Bloc national, apparaissent comme une césure politique, largement négligée par l’historiographie de l’entre-deux-guerres depuis les travaux de Jean-Noël Jeanneney sur le Cartel des gauches dans les années 1970. De leur passage dans l’opposition en 1924-1926, les droites françaises tirèrent un certain nombre de leçons. La principale était que le verdict des urnes pouvait être renversé en cours de législature : en juillet 1926, la majorité cartelliste, affaiblie par les contradictions entre socialistes et radicaux face à une crise financière et monétaire qui s’aggravait, laissa définitivement place à une majorité d’union nationale, réunie sous l’autorité du principal adversaire des gauches lors de la campagne de 1924, Raymond Poincaré. Pour les droites de nouveau vaincues en 1932 et en 1936, c’était un précédent à retenir. Autre leçon, les mobilisations anticartellistes, dans leur diversité, au sein du champ politique ou du champ social, avaient contribué à affaiblir la majorité radicale et socialiste : l’action militante, politique et sociale, avait une capacité d’influence non négligeable au sein du régime parlementaire de la Troisième République. De 1924 à 1926, les organisations anticartellistes politiques ou associatives, à l’instar de celles entendant représenter les intérêts des catholiques ou des commerçants et artisans, développèrent une culture et des pratiques politiques d’opposition, qu’elles firent rejouer tout au long de l’entre-deux-guerres. Cette expérience démontra également la persistance, dans l’opposition, des divisions structurelles du champ politique des droites, en raison du maintien de clivages tant doctrinaux (sur la laïcité, la politique étrangère ou le parlementarisme), que stratégiques (attitude d’intransigeance ou de conciliation vis-à-vis des radicaux). Dans leur ensemble, ces divisions, mais aussi les débats et les pratiques politiques qui s’épanouirent pendant ces deux années, perdurèrent jusqu’au milieu des années Trente. / In the mid-twenties, France was achieving its reconstruction, both economical and political. In 1924, and for the first time since the beginning of the century, the general election took place in a context of a clear bipolarization between left and right, which had a structuring effect on French political field. The victory of the Cartel des gauches at this election appears as a political break-point, that the historiography about political life during interwar years has rather neglected since Jean-Noël Jeanneney’s studies upon Cartel des gauches in the seventies. The organizations of the right-wing learnt a few important lessons from this period when they were in the parliamentary opposition. The most important one was that the political majority coming out democratic election could be changed in the middle of the parliamentary legislature. Indeed, in July 1926, weakened by the growing divisions between radicals and socialists incapable of giving an answer to the increasing financial and monetary crisis, the cartellist majority fell definitely. Raymond Poincaré, the main opponent of the left in 1924, came back to the Council presidency, leading a new parliamentary majority of national union. When the right had been defeated again in 1932 and 1936, it remembered this precedent. Another lesson was that the various social and political mobilizations against the Cartel des gauches had played a significant role to weaken the socialist and radical majority. The community movements, such as catholic or professional ones, and the political organizations mobilized in this period, built a culture and abilities of being in political opposition, that they have reactivated later during the interwar years. This episode proved also the persistence, in political opposition, of structural divisions of the political field of the French right-wing, due to the permanence of doctrinal and strategic splits (the first ones about questions of secularism, foreign policy or parliamentary nature of institutions; the second ones about the political attitude toward the radicals, between uncompromising attitude and conciliation). These divisions, but also the nature of the political debates and the political practices which were developed during these two years, had lasted until the mid-thirties.

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