Title: Det nya Ryssland - En inblick over Rysslands utrikespolitik under 2000-talet Author: Tim Balder and Jens Kindh Linnaeus University Department of Political Science Autumn term 2011 The purpose of this thesis is to gain a better understanding of how the Russian foreign policy is, how it is conducted and how it may develop in the future. To do that, we are going to try to answer the following questions: What characterizes Russia's official foreign policy? What theories are there for the Russian foreign policy? How can the various theories explain the Russian foreign policy actions at the international level? Our theory is to try explaining how the Russian foreign policy is continuing its development during the 21st century through three theories known as the Western liberalism, Pragmatic nationalism and Fundamental nationalism. Furthermore, to explain Russia's foreign policy and their behaviour, we are going to use the two foreign policy doctrines from 2000 and 2008. In addition, books and articles will also be used to explain how Russia's foreign policy is conducted and developed.

Since 2015, the Canadian government has made recurrent assertions that Canada has a feminist foreign policy. A policy, according to certain critics, that is hypocritical because of the government’s continuation of arms exports to countries deemed unsavory from a human rights standpoint. This context makes for a fertile exploration of the nexus between ethical foreign policy aspirations and the realities of foreign relations policy implementation and impact. By assessing these circumstances, I attempt to understand how hypocrisy functions within Canadian foreign policy. Through a method of discourse analysis, I evaluate the official discourses from the government and responses by civil society in relation to the Liberal Government’s handling of the Canada – Saudi Light Armoured Vehicle contract. In addition, by analysing Canadian foreign policy, via departmental reports, I highlight how the government attempts to infuse Canada’s foreign policy with ethical considerations. By tracing the rise of ethical considerations in Canada’s foreign policy, I argue that hypocrisy is intertwined with ethical considerations, thus systematically embedding hypocrisy within established Canadian institutions. Moreover, I show that Canada is committed to the concept of risk transfer, the doctrine of double effect and need for ‘proof grounded in evidence’ when assessing arms exports. These concepts shift the risks associated with hypocritical action away from the government and onto the people it purports to aid.

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The purpose of this thesis will be to examine the decision-making process in crisis situations, defined as those presenting a high threat and short decisional time. Crisis situations in the area of foreign policy have become more acute and dangerous since the end of World War II and the rise of nuclear weapon delivery capabilities.

The focus of this work lies in an examination of the effect of technological sophistication upon, and the reactions to technological sophistication by, the United States in its active participation in the international arena. Specifically, this work is to be an examination of one aspect of twentieth century technology, that of the transfer of technology, within the foreign policy considerations of the United States. This work will be further limited to an examination of American foreign policy of technology transfer to the underdeveloped countries of the world.

Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey / For decades, realism reigned as the predominant paradigm for understanding international relations. In recent years, however, competing theories of international relations have emerged. This paper engages with one of these recent theories, constructivism, and argues that it better explains Saudi foreign policy than the balance-of-power theory that has come to dominate realist scholarship. By analyzing critical foreign policy decisions by Saudi Arabia throughout its history and leveraging ideas like “omnibalancing,” this paper argues that Saudi foreign policy is consistently ideological and concerned with domestic policy.

The purpose of this thesis is to present and explain Greece's foreign policy towards former Yugoslavia within the context of European Political Cooperation (EPC) during the period of June 1991-December 1992. This aspect of Greece's foreign policy was primarily defined by the dispute with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), that essentially constituted the more recent manifestation of the Macedonian Question. The analysis of Greek foreign policy within EPC will be based on the theory of institutionalism, which claims that international regimes can influence state behavior towards cooperative actions. The application of institutionalism requires the existence of common interests and the presence of at least one regime. This thesis shows the significant interests shared by Greece and FYROM, as well as how EPC can be viewed as a regime. Crucially, EPC was primarily responsible for dealing with issues arising from the disintegration of Yugoslavia during the months covered in this thesis. It will be demonstrated that until mid- January 1992, the Greek government pursued politics of cooperation and flexibility, often contrary to perceived national interests. These politics were primarily regime-produced and related, and hence explained by the theory of institutionalism. After 17 January 1991 however, Greece practised politics of limited cooperation within EPC and confrontation against FYROM. The issue of the new republic's exact name gradually became of paramount importance, provoking popular passions and subordinating all other issues and concerns connected to former Yugoslavia. Such developments were ultimately the result of domestic and partisan politics that were entirely unrelated to EPC, thus causing the decline of institutionalism's explanatory power. Given this record, the thesis will argue that the specific expansion of the conditions required for the application of institutionalism would allow the theory to retain its explanatory and predictive relevance. Finally, specific lessons on the conduct of Greek foreign policy will be discussed.