The thesis deals with the Conflict in Somalia and the influence of international participants, especially European Union. Theoretical part focuses on main indicators that bring Somalia on the top of "Failed States Index", piracy and terrorism. Practical part focuses on analyzing European Union's missions in Somalia and evaluating indicators such as GDP or "Failed States Index". The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the impact of European states on solving the instability of Somalia based on the current situation there.

This dissertation examines the relationship of political instability and economic failure to predatory organized crime in multiple nations. This is an important issue since each year the increase in predatory crime networks contributes to international economic failure, security risks, and the spread of organized crime. In an effort to understand the relationship between state failure and economic failure on the one hand, and organized crime on the other, this study will seek to address three goals. First, the study tests the degree to which variables that imply economic failure and state failure correlate with predatory organized crime. Second, the study determines the extent of the relationship between the social and economic indicators and predatory organized crime in multiple nations. Third, the study examines the future implications of predatory organized crime predictor variables in the context of national strategies to eradicate or reduce organized crime. This study investigates the relationship in failed states between predatory crime groups and various economic and state stability indicators. In particular, this study examines the impact of seven predictor variables on the variation in Predatory Organized Crime in 122 countries. The findings suggest that the state failure hypothesis correctly articulates the failure of the state to offer key social goods such as security, stability, and justice, thereby producing an environment where crime groups assume state responsibilities. The findings also support the economic failure hypothesis that poor economic outcomes such as high unemployment, low SES, and a dependency on an underground economy encourage the development of criminal groups. The ultimate goal of this study is to assist policy makers, policy analysts, scholars, and officials at donor agencies and international financial institutions in establishing effective tools for identifying and removing predatory organized crime units. Analytical results provide general support to all hypotheses. Moreover, policy implications for predatory organized crime control in developing countries are discussed. The author's objective is to increase understanding of this issue and show the need for further research.

This research has the goal of understanding the creation of African failed states and to explore preventative measures for a continent that in the past has been plagued by factional warlords, ethnic violence and kleptocracy. If one can isolate the catalysts that initiate failed statehood then they can prevent or at least slow the process in hopes of a state regaining its footing in the sovereign world. Understanding failed statehood allows for suggestions on how to rebuild a nation that has fallen into disaccord. The research attempts to explain the prevailing elements in the emergence of failed statehood and to briefly suggest solutions to these problems faced specifically on the African continent. The common indicators of failed statehood listed by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in The Failed States Index and in the article The Failed State and International Law by Dr. Daniel Thurer will be examined against the multiple case study of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone and Somalia. By choosing to focus on countries in three distinct regions of Africa, Central, Western, and the Horn of Africa, the research has a broad base to draw from to show that the indicators of failed states are universal throughout the continent. The approach used to explain failed statehood in Africa will be the Personal Rule Paradigm in Africa's Stalled Development: International Causes and Cures by Leonard and Straus as a contributing factor of failed states due to the fact it is so prevalent throughout the linear history of Africa beginning with the influence of European colonialism.

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Mediante a teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau, a tese analisa as concepções de Estados Falidos e nation-building presentes em documentos produzidos durante a administração George W. Bush. Almejamos entender como o fracasso estatal foi concebido como um evento eminentemente doméstico, assim como as ideias de que a democracia liberal é a melhor instituição para os Estados Falidos, e que os EUA possuem capacidade reconhecida para reconstruir Estados. Nossas hipóteses são as seguintes: primeiramente, por meio de premissas do institucionalismo da escolha racional, a história dos Estados Falidos é vista de maneira pejorativa, julgada à luz do desenvolvimento político e econômico ocidental. Em segundo lugar, a democracia é aqui compreendida como um significante vazio, visto que, seria não apenas o melhor e mais justo sistema político e econômico, mas também aquele que permitiria que países executassem de maneira mais eficiente funções estatais consideradas essenciais. Finalmente, com base em uma série de estudos de casos, os documentos apresentam uma visão dos EUA enquanto país historicamente engajado em nation-building, começando com as intervenções na Alemanha e no Japão ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, até as recentes operações no Afeganistão e no Iraque após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001. / Using Ernesto Laclaus discourse theory, this dissertation analyzes the conceptions of failed states and nation-building presented in documents produced during George W. Bushs administration. We intend to understand how it was possible to conceive state failure as an essentially domestic event, as well as the ideas that democracy is the best institution for failed states and that the U.S has a proven capacity to rebuild states. Our hypotheses are the following: firstly, through assumptions based upon rational choice institutionalism, the history of failed states is seen in a depreciative manner by being judged in light of a Western model of economic and political development. Secondly, democracy is here understood as an empty signifier, given that it is not only the best and the fairest political and economic system, but also the one that today enables countries to perform essential state tasks in a more efficient fashion. Finally, through a series of case studies, the documents present the idea that the U.S is historically engaged in nation-building, from the occupations of Germany and Japan at the end of World War II to the recent interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq after the September 11th, 2001, attacks.

Mediante a teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau, a tese analisa as concepções de Estados Falidos e nation-building presentes em documentos produzidos durante a administração George W. Bush. Almejamos entender como o fracasso estatal foi concebido como um evento eminentemente doméstico, assim como as ideias de que a democracia liberal é a melhor instituição para os Estados Falidos, e que os EUA possuem capacidade reconhecida para reconstruir Estados. Nossas hipóteses são as seguintes: primeiramente, por meio de premissas do institucionalismo da escolha racional, a história dos Estados Falidos é vista de maneira pejorativa, julgada à luz do desenvolvimento político e econômico ocidental. Em segundo lugar, a democracia é aqui compreendida como um significante vazio, visto que, seria não apenas o melhor e mais justo sistema político e econômico, mas também aquele que permitiria que países executassem de maneira mais eficiente funções estatais consideradas essenciais. Finalmente, com base em uma série de estudos de casos, os documentos apresentam uma visão dos EUA enquanto país historicamente engajado em nation-building, começando com as intervenções na Alemanha e no Japão ao final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, até as recentes operações no Afeganistão e no Iraque após os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001. / Using Ernesto Laclaus discourse theory, this dissertation analyzes the conceptions of failed states and nation-building presented in documents produced during George W. Bushs administration. We intend to understand how it was possible to conceive state failure as an essentially domestic event, as well as the ideas that democracy is the best institution for failed states and that the U.S has a proven capacity to rebuild states. Our hypotheses are the following: firstly, through assumptions based upon rational choice institutionalism, the history of failed states is seen in a depreciative manner by being judged in light of a Western model of economic and political development. Secondly, democracy is here understood as an empty signifier, given that it is not only the best and the fairest political and economic system, but also the one that today enables countries to perform essential state tasks in a more efficient fashion. Finally, through a series of case studies, the documents present the idea that the U.S is historically engaged in nation-building, from the occupations of Germany and Japan at the end of World War II to the recent interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq after the September 11th, 2001, attacks.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Grasiela de Oliveira Licorio.pdf: 639157 bytes, checksum: e6860cbcdb07b97b6e4afbb3757688f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-21 / The Chinese presence in Africa over the past five years has ceased to be based on solidarity and took strategic international positioning characteristics. China has achieved an average 70 billion dollars per year (Huang, 2008) in trade negotiations with the African continent, including countries facing situations of civil unrest, such as Sudan and Nigeria. This interaction does not impose conditionalities, which allows China to always maintain advantageous relationships financially and politically, regardless of what is the current regime. The aim of this study is to analyze this new Chinese position on the African continent, seeking to understand the consequences of this approach for both sides and their connection with the deepening of the conflict / A presença chinesa na África nos últimos cinco anos deixou de ser pautada na solidariedade e tomou características de posicionamento estratégico internacional. A China alcança em média 70 bilhões de dólares ao ano (Huang, 2008) em negociações comerciais com o continente Africano, incluindo países que enfrentam situação de instabilidade civil, como Sudão e Nigéria. Essa interação não impõe condicionalidades políticas, o que permite à China manter sempre relações vantajosas financeira e politicamente, independente de qual seja o regime vigente. O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar esse novo posicionamento chinês no continente Africano, buscando entender as conseqüências dessa aproximação para ambos os lados e sua relação com o aprofundamento das situações de conflito

Magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjama ES atsakomybė pasauliui ESGP vykdomų misijų, krizių valdymo, valstybių taikos palaikymo, (at)statymo ar kūrimo - taikdarystes kontekste. Tyrimo objektas – ES misijos (Kongo Demokratinės Respublikos ir Kosovo atvejai). Darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti ES taikdariškų misijų svarbą ir reikšmę XXI a. valstybėms. Užsibrėžti uždaviniai – įvertinti BUSP ir ESGP, kaip misijų pagrindą; išanalizuoti ES misijų sampratą, kuri yra pristatoma oficialiuose dokumentuose; išnagrinėti ES veikiančius pagalbos mechanizmus žlugusioms valstybėms ir jų svarbą; palyginti ES misijas Afrikoje ir Balkanuose ir jų metu pasiektus rezultatus; analizuoti ES misijų reikšmę ES ir jos valstybėms narėms ir taip pat NATO, JTO, AS ir NVO veiklai šioje sferoje. Darbe aptariama teorinė BUSP ir ESGP samprata, jų tikslai ir uždaviniai, vystymasis bei sąveika, apžvelgiama valstybių narių ir institucijų veikla jų formavime. Taip pat analizuojami BUSP ir ESGP vykdymo mechanizmai, ES misijų modeliai SOFA ir SOMA, žlugusios valstybės, reikalaujančios krizių valdymo ir humanitarinių intervencijų. Analizuojant dokumentus, pateikiamos ES misijų patirtys Kongo Demokratinėje Respublikoje ir Kosove. Nagrinėjama ES bendradarbiavimas ir sąveika su įvairiomis tarptautinėmis organizacijomis NATO, JTO, AS ir NVO, vykdant taikdarystės ir krizių sprendimo misijas. Daromos išvados, kad BUSP vykdoma įvairiais instrumentais, iš kurių svarbiausi stabilumas ir taikos kūrimo partnerystė. Sprendžiant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The final paper of Master degree is devoted for making consideration of EU responsibility to the World while exercising ESDP missions, such like crisis management, peace and states rebuilding, building peace and states in the context of peacekeeping. The subject of the paper: EU missions (cases of Democratic Republic of Congo and Kosovo). The aim of the paper: find out the importance and weight of the EU peacekeeping missions to the states of the 21st century. The goals of paper: to evaluate CFSP and ESDP as missions background; to analyze the concept of EU missions, which was introduced in the official documents; to review functioning mechanisms of the EU support and their importance; to compare EU missions in Africa and Balkans and their achieved results; to analyze importance of the EU missions to member states and also to NATO, UN, AU and NGOs actions in this area. The introduction of paper is devoted for theoretical background of CFSP and ESDP and their aims and goals, their evolution and cooperation, and for the role of member states and institutions. Also there is analyzing CFSP and ESDP exercising mechanisms, EU SOFA and SOMA models and failed states. Introducing missions experiences in Democratic Republic of Congo and in Kosovo. There is made considerations about EU cooperation with various international organizations, like NATO, UN and NGOs while exercising missions of peacekeeping and crisis resolutions. To conclude with, CFSP is exercising with various... [to full text]