6 Abstract This thesis deals with the presentation of the Czech far-right in mass media and in connection with selected chapters of public opinion in 2011-2013. The theoretical part of the thesis consists of three parts, a part that presents the far-right in Czech and international context, a part representing the relationship of the far-right and mass media, and a part describing the situation of research of far-right in the Czech Republic. The second part of the thesis analyses the profile of the far-right in the media through content analysis and the reflection of far-right in public opinion using secondary data analysis. The results indicate far-right gains entry into the media content through the use of protest activities. Strong themes of the far-right agenda resonate in the Czech public opinion, but at the same time the Czech public opinion perceives the far-right as a serious security risk and a threat to democracy, which makes it an unacceptable alternative.

Le soutien des militants italiens au combat « Algérie française » puis OAS entraîne, à partir de 1960, la création de réseaux franco-italiens d’extrême droite. Les solidarités internationales qui se constituent à la faveur du combat OAS, les contacts et circulations militantes, l’émergence d’une pensée d’extrême droite qui place ses objectifs au-delà du cadre strictement national, l’apparition de combats communs liés au processus de décolonisation et des échanges intellectuels inédits contribuent à mettre en place des réseaux d’extrême droite initialement fondés sur des relations personnelles. L’institutionnalisation progressive de ces contacts, la difficile reconversion des activistes OAS en exil en Europe, leurs relations troubles avec certains services de renseignements déterminés à contrer l’avancée socialiste dans le Tiers-Monde entraînent la formation de réseaux européens qui lient notamment groupes français et italiens d’extrême droite. Au-delà des renouvellements générationnels qui affectent la période, ces relations étroites permettent aux terroristes italiens d’extrême droite qui prennent part à la « stratégie de la tension », de 1969 à 1982, de bénéficier du soutien constant de leurs camerati français. Parallèlement, le Movimento sociale italiano (MSI) entretient avec la nébuleuse française d’extrême droite, entre 1960 et 1984, des relations constantes et exerce sur elle une influence certaine qui n’exclut toutefois pas certaines formes de réciprocités en matière de circulations politiques et culturelles et d’échanges militants. / The support of Italian activists in the “Algérie française” fight, and then with the OAS, gave birth to French-Italian far-right networks from 1960. International alliances that favoured the OAS struggle were formed, contacts and militants were exchanging ideas, the emergence of a far-right way of thinking whose goals went beyond strict national frameworks, a common political outlook on the issue of decolonisation, and new intellectual debates contributed to the growth of far-right networks that were initially based on personal relationships. The gradual institutionalisation of these contacts, the difficult integration of OAS activists in exile in Europe, and their ambiguous relationships with intelligence services determined to counter the socialist movement in the Third World brought about the creation of European networks that united French and Italian far-right groups. Beyond generational changes during this period, these close relationships enabled Italian far-right terrorists who were involved in the « Strategy of Tension », from 1969 to 1982, to benefit from the consistent support of their French camerati. In parallel, the Movimento sociale italiano (MSI) maintained consistent relationships with French far-right cells between 1960 and 1984. Whilst they exerted a considerable amount of influence, they maintained reciprocal alliances with regards to their political and cultural agenda, and continued to exchange militant forces.

No contexto católico do integrismo internacional, a década de 1970 se caracterizou pela militância a favor do resgate dos valores cristãos ameaçados pelo avanço moderno na sociedade ocidental, que passou a ser tema central dos artigos publicados por duas revistas: a Permanência, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, e a Itinéraires, na cidade de Paris. A partir dessas constatações, a tese procurou apresentar a trajetória intelectual dos líderes do grupo Permanência, Gustavo Corção e Julio Fleichman, durante os anos de 1975 a 1989. Nesse período, os intelectuais escreveram artigos para a revista Itinéraires e participaram do maior congresso do integrismo internacional promovido pelo Office International na cidade de Lausanne, na Suíça. Defendeu-se a ideia de que essa trajetória teve como objetivo apresentar um projeto de poder articulado entre a elite civil-militar brasileira e os intelectuais católicos, por meio de dois planos discursivos: de valorização ao regime e de ataques a Igreja progressista brasileira. O itinerário percorrido pelos intelectuais cariocas revelou a notoriedade do integrismo brasileiro e do país, que passou a ser reconhecido pelo momento autoritário, ao derrotar a subversão internacional comunista pela ditadura militar. E, como uma troca, o integrismo francês era tomado como exemplo de luta contra o progressismo católico. Das experiências compartilhadas por esses grupos do integrismo católico, a História dos Intelectuais forneceu conceitos e categorias de análises que permitiram identificar as redes de sociabilidades e os microclimas que fizeram parte dos sentimentos partilhados por essa geração de intelectuais. Corção e Fleichman foram mediadores de um projeto político e cultural que contribuiu para a construção de uma memória sobre a ditadura e que, nos dias de hoje, ressurgiu no imaginário político brasileiro por meio da luta anticomunista. / In the Catholic context of international integrism, the 1970s were characterized by militancy in favor of the rescue of Christian values threatened by modern advances in Western society, which became the central theme of articles published by two magazines: Permanência, in Rio de Janeiro, and Itinéraires, in Paris. Based on that, the thesis tried to present the intellectual trajectory of the leaders of the Permanência group, Gustavo Corção and Julio Fleichman, from 1975 to 1989. During this period, intellectuals wrote articles for Itinéraires and participated in the largest congress of integrism, Office International in Lausanne, Switzerland. It was defended the idea that this trajectory had the objective of presenting a project of articulated power between the Brazilian civil-military elite and the Catholic intellectuals, through two discursive plans: valorization to the regime and attacks against the Brazilian progressive Church. The path walked by the Brazilian intellectuals revealed the notoriety of Brazil and its integrism: the country became recognized by the authoritarian moment that defeated the communist international subversion by the civil-military dictatorship. And, as an exchange, French integrism was taken as an example of a struggle against Catholic progressivism. From the experiences shared by these groups of Catholic integrism, the History of Intellectuals provided concepts and categories of analysis that allowed to identify the networks of sociabilities and microclimates that were part of the feelings shared by this generation of intellectuals. Corção and Fleichman were mediators of a political and cultural project that contributed to the creation of a false memory about the dictatorship and that, in the present day, resurged in the Brazilian political imaginary through the anticommunist struggle.

Topic of the thesis is the image of Czech far-right parties in Czech media prior to Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017. Aim of the thesis is to investigate how media displays far-right parties prior to the Elections in 2017, what the topics of media coverage are in regards of far- right and how the topics changed in the Elections in 2017 comparing with Elections in 2013. Using quantitative content analysis the thesis monitors texts with far-right topics in national daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny, Právo and Hospodářské noviny in the periods prior to the Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017 and 2013. Author also uses qualitative analysis of specific texts. The parties followed in thesis are chosen based on definition of far-right by Cas Mudde and definition of right wing populism by Hans-Georg Betz. In the period prior to the Elections in 2017 the followed parties are: Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti; ROZUMNÍ - stop migraci a diktátu EU - peníze našim občanům, důchodcům, dětem, zdravotně postiženým; Svoboda a přímá demokracie - Tomio Okamura; Blok proti islamizaci - Obrana domova; Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánská strana Československa Miroslava Sládka and Řád národa - Vlastenecká unie. In the period prior to the Elections in 2013 the focus is on parties Úsvit...

The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.

L’ambition de ce travail est de définir les conditions de possibilité d’une sociologie des œuvres littéraires. Cette démarche est illustrée par l’analyse des articles politiques, critiques littéraires et œuvres romanesques de l’écrivain Maurice Blanchot, de la période de l’entre-deux-guerres à la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale. La sociologie des œuvres littéraires doit être en mesure de produire une analyse de la forme et du contenu des œuvres. C’est en inscrivant notre travail dans la tradition compréhensive que nous tentons de dépasser les obstacles épistémologiques et méthodologiques d’une telle perspective. La compréhension des œuvres et du sens de la pratique littéraire de Blanchot passe par la reconstruction de ses expériences socialisatrices : son histoire de famille, son rapport au corps, à la maladie et à l’amour. Nous posons aussi que son passage à l’extrême droite et sa conception radicale de la pratique littéraire procèdent du même malaise existentiel. / The aim of this work is to define the conditions of possibility of a sociological approach applied to literary works. That approach is illustrated by the analysis of political and literary articles, and novels of the writer Maurice Blanchot, from the inter-war period to the end of the Second World War. We define sociology of literary works as an approach that must be able to produce knowledge about both content and style. We postulate that the theoretical framework of interpretive sociology is the most likely to answer the epistemological and methodological obstacles of such a perspective. We try to evidence that the understanding of the literary works and the literary practice of Blanchot can be achieved by the reconstruction of his socialization experiences: his family history, his relation to his body, to illness and to love. We also postulate that his political commitment at the far right and his radical view of literary practice are based on the same existential unease.

The literature has lacked a comparative analysis into Greece's Far Right party, Golden Dawn's, (GD) ideological discourse. The Far Right party is the most extreme in the Greek Parliament, promoting an ultra-nationalist agenda and being accused of operating as a terrorist organisation by the state. Looking at characteristics such as nationalism, euroscepticism and authoritarianism, this thesis compares GD to the prototypical radical right party, Front National (FN), and predicts that they will be more radical in every aspect of their discourse. In addition, it seeks to fit them within a party classification.

Předložená diplomová práce se zabývá subkulturou krajní pravice ve Svobodném státě - pojednáno v multidisciplinárním kontextu, práce vysvětluje důvod také využívá politologické roviny, vymezuje pojem pravicového extremismu a ukazuje jeho rávní úrovni je rozvedena reakce státu ve formě legislativních a represivních opatření. V kontextu občanského vzdělávání jsou prezentovány instituce a aktéři, kteří v Sasku na tomto poli působí s cílem eliminovat pravicový extremismus ve společnosti. Text rovněž definuje, jak velké nebezpečí subkultura ve společnosti představuje. Vláda se snaží s pravicovým extremismem vypořádat, i když se žádná politická strana nedostává přímo do parlamentu. Jde především o hrozbu společenskou spočívající v páchání trestné činnosti, schopnosti mobilizace a tvoření chybných ideologických přesvědčení. Stát chce primárně svoje občany chránit před kriminální činností, vzdělávat je a rozvíjet demokratické uvědomění, přičemž systém občanského vzdělávání Spolkové republiky Německo je celosvětově považován za vzor, jelikož se obor po druhé světové válce stal díky specifickému vnímání pravicového extremismu součástí německé identity

This master`s thesis deals with the theories of the far-right party family. The theoretical part consists mainly of textual work and the author introduces theory of the party family and the far-right party family. Next, theories of three different authors are introduced and on their bases the author studies selected political subjects, which are Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti, Svoboda a přímá demokracie of Tomio Okamura, Slovenská národná strana and Kotleba- Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko. The author bases the work on the concepts of far-right parties by these authors: Piero Ignazi, Hans-Georg Betz and Cas Mudde. Furthermore, the dynamic development of far-right parties, is described with focus not only on Europe but more specifically on Czech Republic and Slovakia. The goal of this thesis is to find out if it is possible to categorize various subjects into the far-right party family based on the selected criteria and potentially point out their differences. Mainly analytical and empirical method is used in this thesis. For the analysis of the parties, the author uses political programs, presentation of the subject in the public eye and media, and also their activity on social media.

Topic of the thesis is the image of Czech far-right parties in Czech media prior to Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017. Aim of the thesis is to investigate how media displays far-right parties prior to the Elections in 2017, what the topics of media coverage are in regards of far- right and how the topics changed in the Elections in 2017 comparing with Elections in 2013. Using quantitative content analysis and theory of agenda-setting the thesis monitors texts with far-right topics in national daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny, Právo and Hospodářské noviny in the periods prior to the Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017 and 2013. Author also uses qualitative analysis of opinion texts based on theory of framing. The parties followed in thesis are chosen based on definition of far-right by Cas Mudde and definition of right wing populism by Hans-Georg Betz. In the period prior to the Elections in 2017 the followed parties are: Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti; ROZUMNÍ - stop migraci a diktátu EU - peníze našim občanům, důchodcům, dětem, zdravotně postiženým; Svoboda a přímá demokracie - Tomio Okamura; Blok proti islamizaci - Obrana domova; Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánská strana Československa Miroslava Sládka and Řád národa - Vlastenecká unie. In the period prior...