The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

The key research question of my diploma thesis deals with the problem of whether the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman creates the same discourse as far-right political parties in the Czech Republic. The research concerns the social discourse surrounding the current migration crisis facing Europe. In this connection, there is a discourse analysis of the themes of migration, Islam, terrorism, external and internal actors. This research is conducted on the basis of the theory of binaries from Teun Van Dijk, which can be applied to a populist political style characterized by President Zeman and extreme right-wing political parties, among which are analyzed the Workers' Party of Social Justice, National Democracy, Dawn - the National Coalition, Freedom And Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and the Citizens' Rights Party. Research data is collected from President Zeman's official communications channels and political parties, including official websites and social networks. Based on a discourse analysis of their political views, it is possible to compare President Zeman and the extreme right-wing parties to each topic and to conclude whether they speak the same or differently about these themes.

The master thesis Development of czech extreme right-wing after 1989 deals with three the most significant far right-wing parties in Czech republic after 1989. These parties are Association for republic - Czechoslovak Republican Party (SPR-RSČ), National Party (NS) and Workers' Party (DS). The only far right-wing body shall, which was able to enforce on Czech political scene and obtain representation in the Parliament was SPR-RSČ. Other two parties were unsuccessful in elections. Thesis has an ambition to make clear, why SPR-RSČ was that successful and other parties were not. But at the beginning of the thesis is explained concept of far right-wing. After this, is a chapter about SPR-RSČ, which was significant political party in the 90's. Nevertheless after unsuccessful elections in 1998 became piece by piece minor political force. Next part refers about NS, which was very unsuccessful in elections, but was able to attract attention of Czech media by its actions. Thesis also include chapter about DS, which was, as the only one after 1989, dissolved by the Supreme Administrative Court. However the party works under the name DSSS and nowadays is the most successful far right-wing party in Czech Republic. After that is a chapter, which clarifies the reasons why was SPR-RSČ successful and the other...

The Diploma thesis focuses on youth structures that profess to the largest far-right and far-left parties representatives in the Czech Republic. In the far-right milieu it is the Worker's Party Youth, who are closely associated with the Worker's party of Social Justice. On the far-left side of the spektrum, there are formally two entities, that profess to the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia: the Communist Youth Union and the Union of Young Communists of Czechoslovakia. The aim of this thesis is to clarify the extent of real interdependence of these civic associations with a political party, and on the other side, to examine their political extremism level, both in theory and also in the terms of security forces. The thesis further explores to what extent, therefore, these entities are a real threat to the existing democratic system in the Czech Republic.

This thesis deals with the development and position of the far-right Workers Party (DS) and the Workers Party of Social Justice (DSSS) in the political system of the Czech Republic. The work also includes a theoretical part, dealing with different views on extremism and radicalism. Also discussed is the position of the far-right parties in Central and Western Europe. The main goal is to capture the roots of the Workers 'Party, but also action and ideological bases its successor the Workers Party of Social Justice. Emphasis is placed on the presentation of the party and demonstrations. They are namely the main way to reach supporters. The thesis also analyzes the election results of DS (DSSS) and try to include the party in the Czech party system according to the theory of Giovanni Sartori. There is also a description of the organizational structure of the party and its affiliated organizations. The last chapter discusses the symbolism and iconography of the party.

After the Catalan conflict in 2017, the number of female politicians and sympathizers in VOX increased notoriously(Bernardez-Rodal et al., 2020). Moreover, the growing participation and engagement of female audiences suggests that the use of several techniques to attract women (Pilkington, 2017; Mattheis, 2018; Askanius, 2021a) or the use of topics that evoque shared feelings (Dietze & Roth, 2020) could also be unfolding at a great speed in Spain. Thus, wanting to spand knowledge on the mentioned phenomenon, this thesis focuses on the Spanish context and explores how three VOX female politicians benefit from Alternative Influence Networks or AIN (Lewis, 2018) in Instagram and use influencer practices to spread far-righ ideas and sell anti-feminist or gender equality narratives.  For veracity and objectivity this research considered every post in the feed of these representatives for the sampling,obtaining a total of 290 relevant posts which were later analysed following a case study methodology. Theories of mediatization and media power, social media, online Interactivity and AIN, gender politics, and post-feminism and anti-feminism, served to understand the content of the analysed posts and classify them into 5 main topics (1. Anti-Feminism;2. Maternity; 3. Gender Politics and Gender Issues; 4. Targeting Women: Fear for the Spanish Race; 5. Christian values: pro-life and heteronormative love) that were repeatedly manifested in various ways. Main findings include how VOX female politicians benefit from social media to target women and sell far-right ideas through influencer practices and other tactics that are similarly used by other far-right actors. From this we could conclude that the role of female representators in VOX is of great importance to attract female audience by posting sensitive content or aiming at empathy through identification as well as to soften the image of the far-right through fear-based techniques or turning to biology.

In recent years, the role of diversity has become increasingly important and present – both in society and at the workplace. Diversity, that is any attribute that people might use do distinguish between self and others, is a topic that is visible in several areas and that has challenging implications, both for organizations and for society as a whole. It is a multilevel construct that needs a holistic approach - but so far, most of the research on diversity is limited to the team level, without reflecting on implications for other levels and interactions with other levels of diversity. The first objective of this dissertation is to examine whether approaches of organizational diversity research, namely faultlines, are applicable to the societal level and whether they are useful on this level to explain phenomena of societal relevance. Second, we investigate whether diversity trainings on the team-level can help meet these challenges by teaching useful competencies. And third, we explore whether characteristics on the individual level, namely intrapersonal diversity, enable people to overcome the challenges of diversity which will ultimately also contribute to meet the challenges of diversity on the societal level. On the basis of the combination of findings on diversity at three different levels and the introduced multi-level model, new hypotheses at different levels of analyses can be formulated and subsequently tested.:1. Introduction 2. Core Constructs and Conceptual Clarifications 3. Theoretical Framework 4. Status Quo of Diversity Research 5. Overview of the Research Program 6. Does Social Context Predict Voting for Far-Right Parties? A Study on Societal Faultlines and Voting Behavior in East Germany 7. When Diversity is Something New: Enhancing Diversity Beliefs among Apprentices 8. Intrapersonal Diversity: We Like what we are 9. General Discussion / Diversität hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend an Bedeutung und Präsenz gewonnen – sowohl in der Gesellschaft als auch am Arbeitsplatz. Diversität, also jedes Merkmal, das Menschen dazu nutzen können, sich selbst als unterschiedlich von anderen Personen wahrzunehmen, ist in vielen Bereichen sichtbar und stellt sowohl für Organisationen als auch für die Gesellschaft als Ganzes eine große Herausforderung dar. Es ist ein Mehrebenen-Konstrukt, das einen ganzheitlichen Ansatz erfordert – die bisherige Forschung zu Diversität beschränkt sich jedoch größtenteils auf die Gruppenebene, ohne Auswirkungen auf oder Interaktionen mit andere Ebenen von Vielfalt zu berücksichtigen. Das erste Ziel dieser Dissertation ist es zu prüfen, ob Ansätze der organisationalen Diversitätsforschung, namentlich Faultlines, auf die gesellschaftliche Ebene übertragbar sind und ob sie auf dieser Ebene nützlich sind, um gesellschaftlich relevante Phänomene zu erklären. Zweitens untersuchen wir, ob Diversitätstrainings auf Gruppenebene helfen können, diese Herausforderungen zu meistern, indem sie nützliche Kompetenzen vermitteln. Und drittens untersuchen wir, ob Eigenschaften auf der individuellen Ebene, namentlich intrapersonelle Diversität, Menschen dazu befähigen, die Herausforderungen von Diversität zu bewältigen, was letztlich auch dazu beitragen wird, den Herausforderungen von Diversität auf gesellschaftlicher Ebene gerecht zu werden. Auf Basis der Kombination von Diversitätserkenntnissen auf drei unterschiedlichen Ebenen und dem vorgestellten Mehrebenen-Modell können neue Hypothesen auf unterschiedlichen Analyseebenen formuliert und anschließend überprüft werden.:1. Introduction 2. Core Constructs and Conceptual Clarifications 3. Theoretical Framework 4. Status Quo of Diversity Research 5. Overview of the Research Program 6. Does Social Context Predict Voting for Far-Right Parties? A Study on Societal Faultlines and Voting Behavior in East Germany 7. When Diversity is Something New: Enhancing Diversity Beliefs among Apprentices 8. Intrapersonal Diversity: We Like what we are 9. General Discussion