The high prevalence of food insecurity experienced by remote First Nation (FN) communities partially results from dependence on an expensive import-based food system that typically lacks nutritional quality and further displaces traditional food systems. In the present study, the feasibility of import substitution by Agroforestry Community Gardens (AFCGs) as socio-ecologically and culturally sustainable means of enhancing food security was explored through a case study of Fort Albany First Nation (FAFN) in subarctic Ontario. Agroforestry is a diverse tree-crop or tree-livestock agricultural system that has enhanced food security in the developing world, as low input systems with high yields of diverse food and material products, and various ecological services. Four study sites were selected for biophysical analysis: two Salix spp. (willow)-dominated AFCG test plots in an area proposed by the community; one “no tree” garden control test plot; and one undisturbed forest control test plot. Baseline data and a repeatable sampling design were established to initiate long-term studies on the productive capacity of willow AFCGs as a means to enhance food security in subarctic FN communities. Initial soil and vegetative analysis revealed a high capacity for all sites to support mixed produce with noted modifications, as well as potential competitive and beneficial willow-crop interactions. Identification of barriers to food security and local food production in FAFN revealed a need for a locally-run Food Security Program (FSP) in partnership with the AFCGs to provide the personnel, knowledge and leadership necessary to increase local food autonomy and local food education and to manage the AFCG as a reliable food supply. Continued research on AFCGs and the FSP may allow wide-scale adoption of this strategy as an approach to enhance community food security and food sovereignty in remote FNs across Canada. An integration of conventional crops and native species in the AFCGs is recommended as a bicultural approach to enhance social, cultural and ecological resiliency of FN food systems. As an adaptable and dynamic system, AFCGs have potential to act as a more reliable local food system and a refuge for culturally significant plants in high-latitude FN socio-ecological systems, which are particularly vulnerable to rapid cultural and ecological change.

On April 1, 1999, Akimiski Island, Northwest Territories, Canada, became part of the newly created Inuit-dominated territory of Nunavut, even though the Inuit never asserted Aboriginal title to this island. This is why the Omushkegowuk Cree of the western James Bay region of Ontario, Canada, assert Aboriginal title over this island. Essentially, the Government of Canada has reversed the onus of responsibility for proving Aboriginal title from the Inuit to the Cree. In this paper, we examined whether the Omushkegowuk Cree fulfill all the criteria of the common law test of Aboriginal title with respect to Akimiski Island, utilizing all available printed and online material. All criteria of the common law test of Aboriginal title were met; however, the written record only alludes to the Cree using Akimiski Island at the time of first contact and prior, Cree oral history was consulted to illuminate upon this matter. I documented and employed Cree oral history to establish that Cree traditional use and occupancy of Akimiski Island was “sufficient to be an established fact at the time of assertion of sovereignty by European nations” (INAC, 1993:5; INAC, 2008); thereby, fulfilling criterion 2 of the test for Aboriginal title. As the Cree have now met all criteria of the common law test for proof of Aboriginal title in Canada, with respect to Akimiski Island, a formal land claim should be considered by the Cree.

This dissertation explores the economic development objectives, strategies, and activities of the First Nations in Canada with three objectives: (i) to identify the approach to development among First Nations, (ii) to develop a theoretical perspective capable of providing insight into this approach, and (iii) to investigate the activities of the First Nations in Saskatchewan to determine if they are consistent with the expected characteristics of the First Nations' approach to development and the proposed theoretical perspective. To address the first objective, a wide range of sources are reviewed to determine First Nations development objectives and strategies. Based on this review, the First Nations' development approach emphasizes the creation of profitable businesses competing in the global economy. These businesses are usually collectively owned and often involve partnerships with non-First Nation corporations. A review of development theory follows to accomplish the second objective. Both the orthodoxand radical perspectives are rejected. Instead, 'contingency perspective' based on regulation theory, the postimperial perspective and alternative/indigenous development approaches, is developed. To address the third objective, research was conducted in three parts: (i) an investigation of the economic development activities of the 70 Saskatchewan First Nations, (ii) a study of the approach of non-First Nations companies to business alliances with First Nations, and (iii) a case study of the development activities of the Meadow Lake Tribal Council. Based on the first and third parts of this research, 69% of First Nations businesses are owned by First Nations alone or First Nations in joint venture with non-First Nations businesses. These businesses account for 89% of the total estimated annual revenue of all First Nation businesses. Only 24% of First Nations businesses target the local market, the rest compete in broader regional, national and international markets. Part two of the research shows that a growing number of non-First Nations corporations are adopting a strategy of business alliances with aboriginal people. Five factors motivate this corporate behaviour: (i) a shift in the global competitive environment from a Fordist to a flexible regime of accumulation, (ii) society's changing expectations about what constitutes socially responsible corporate behaviour, (iii) legal and regulatory requirements and restrictions, (iv) the growing aboriginal population, and its increasing affluence and level of education, and (v) the rapidly growing pool of natural and financial resources under the control of aboriginal people. These results confirm the eight characteristics of the First Nations' approach to economic development and are consistent with the proposedcontingency perspective.

The purpose of this study was to examine eight elementary school social studies textbooks using the method of content analysis to analyze the treatment of Indians in the books selected for the study. <p>It was conceded at the outset that not all teaching about Indians is done in social studies programs and not all information about Indians is presented through textbooks. However, it was recognized that the textbook is the basic guide for many teachers and students, and often the single source for historical information presented in social studies courses in elementary school classrooms.<p> For the purposes of content analysis of the textbooks the guidelines of Berelson for content analysis were used to develop the categories. The procedures developed by Dr. Hargopal Dhand of the University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon were modified to suit the purpose of this study.<p>Data Work Sheets and Data Summary Sheets were used to gather and record information concerning frequency of occurrence of paragraphs devoted to Indians in the textbooks, topical classification of the paragraphs, illustrative and decorative features of the textbooks, classification of Indians presented, tribes selected, major topics discussed and approval or disapproval of Indians presented. The data were tabulated in both numerical and percentage form.<p>A pilot study and validation procedure were carried out with students and professors of the College of Education, University of Saskatchewan in order to validate the method.<p>It was found that generally the books analyzed gave an incomplete historical picture of Indian-Canadians. It was also found that Indian themes received low priority in the number and quality of illustrative and decorative features in the books.<p> Indians were presented in such a manner as to detract from an understanding of the diversity of Indian cultures, languages and personalities. Indians were presented in a manner that lends itself to the encouragement of broad generalizations concerning an extremely wide variety of people that are classified as Indians.<p>It was also found that there was a lack of variation in the tribes presented; there was a failure to reflect the richness and variety of Indian cultures in Canada; there was a high degree of unfavourable or negative presentation of Indian characters.<p> For the most part Indians just are not there except for the initial contact-with Europeans, the beginning of the fur trade and a brief re-emergence during the Northwest Rebellion of 1885.<p> It was concluded that for the most part the textbooks analyzed will not contribute positively to helping Indian and non-Indian elementary school students in Saskatchewan know and understand the Indian dimension of Canadian history and culture.

This study explores the factors that influence how three First Nations educators in the City of Saskatoon define ethics, identify ethical dilemmas, and resolve ethical dilemmas.<p> Using the case-study methodology guided by respectful inquiry with First Nations people, the study sought to identify influential factors affecting the ethical considerations among three Aboriginal educators. The research questions were: 1) How do three Aboriginal educators define ethics? 2) How do the three Aboriginal educators identify an ethical dilemma? 3) What factors do the three Aboriginal educators identify as influencing the resolution of ethical dilemmas? The study sought to identify how the educators perceive ethics, and was not meant to be built on a priori theory of ethics. The reliance on ethical theory beyond what was generated by the participants or through relevant and related studies was carefully selected so as not to impede the expression of the understandings of the participants and the interpretations and understandings of the researcher and readers.<p> The study found that the participants identified their definitions, instances, and resolution of ethical dilemmas as reflecting the experiences of the participants. Their histories are a part of the diversity of First Nations people, and it is their stories that illustrate the ethical frameworks of the participants. The study participants reported a connection to their First Nations cultures from which they drew. Their influential experiences, though, have diminished a concrete connection to their First Nations cultures. They maintain a sense of belonging to an Aboriginal collective, and it is this membership that frequently defines their ethical dilemmas.

The story of how and why the Canadian government negotiated Treaty 8 with First Nations living in north-western Canada, and its attitude toward the people whom it casually left out of treaty, provide an excellent example of how the Canadian government approached treaty negotiations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Treaty 8 is both typical of the other numbered treaties negotiated with First Nations in the late nineteenth century in western Canada as well as different, in that it was the first of the "northern" numbered treaties negotiated with First Nations.<p> This thesis looks at Treaty 8 in both ways: how it illustrates a common approach to treaty making on the part of the Canadian government, and how it differs from other treaties and other treaty negotiation processes. The thesis also tells the story of the people left out of Treaty 8 negotiations in northern Alberta and north-western Saskatchewan, as well as their struggles to obtain justice for this governmental oversight.<p> This thesis looks at a number of issues related to Treaty 8 which earlier historians have either not focused on or overlooked. The first is that the territory covered by Treaty 8 is greater than the area into which treaty commissioners were sent in 1899 and 1900. The second related point is that the government policy of the time that treaties should be negotiated at as little expense and cost to the government as possible meant that people were left out of treaty negotiations.

Throughout the history of the North West, Metis people frequently used their knowledge of European, Indian, and Metis culture to mediate Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal social, diplomatic, and economic encounters. Though acknowledged in Metis historiography, this aspect of Metis identity has not been the focus of scholarly analysis, which has primarily centred on Louis Riel, Metis resistance, and ethnogenesis. By closely examining the primary documents, it is evident that the Metis interpreters present at Treaties 1 through 7 were more than merely translators. Prior to negotiations these Metis had interacted with First Nations in a variety of ways, whether in the fur trade or in missionary endeavours. Metis people were well versed in Aboriginal language and cultural traditions, skills they had employed successfully in Rupert's Land prior to 1870.<p> In drawing upon this amicable relationship between Metis and First Nations, Canadian officials in the North West recognized the positive effect of personal diplomacy on securing First Nations signatures to the treaty documents. In this thesis many examples will demonstrate that the actions of Metis people were critical in preventing violence between groups, thereby enabling the treaty process to begin. These Metis individuals moved within a middle ground of context that developed in the era prior to the 1870's, thus indicating a measure of continuity between the pre- and post transition period in the Canadian West.

The purpose of this thesis was to reflect on my experiences as an educator in a unique educational community of immense diversity. More specifically, the use of autobiographical narrative helped to focus my reflections on change efforts aimed at nurturing a supportive learning community. The narrative storytelling methodology was used, building on the belief that people are storytellers by nature and narratives stories are an effective way to organize and make sense of life experiences. Through storytelling, I identified experiences that impacted my personal and professional beliefs and practices. I considered two factors contributing to the significance of a story: emotional intensity and impact on learning. The expression of the stories was approached by examining what initiated the change effort, what change was made, and what effect or result occurred. The contribution of this thesis lies in the impact of the stories shared; stories have the power to draw people in and promote an emotional level of empathetic understanding and learning difficult to achieve by other means. The literature served two main purposes in this work: (a) enhanced my reflective analysis in the examination of critical considerations for implementing change, and (b) substantiated the stories. The literature provided the opportunity for further reflection on the change efforts in order to determine how to improve their implementation success, and to be better equipped to approach future change efforts in a more judicious and prudent manner. At the conclusion of the study, future considerations were outlined regarding: (a) upcoming changes, (b) implications for practices, (c) implications for society and (d) recommendations for further research.

Background: In Canada, the prevalence of cervical cancer in Aboriginal women continues to increase with a significantly higher mortality rate than women of non-Aboriginal ancestry. Despite that invasive cervical cancer is highly preventable with regular cervical cancer screening, participation in screening remains lower among Aboriginal women. Since limited information exists on the way cervical cancer screening is perceived and experienced, the purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of Saskatchewan Aboriginal womens perceptions related to and experiences with cervical cancer screening.<p> Methodology: This qualitative exploratory study used an interpretive descriptive approach. Perceptions related to and experiences with cervical cancer screening were elicited through individual interviews with eleven Dakota First Nation women. Women were recruited through purposive sampling techniques. Initially direct quotes from individual transcripts were coded, and then organized with other participant quotes that reflected thematic similarities.<p> Findings: Shared insights reflected a main theme that described perceptions of, experiences with, and factors influencing cervical cancer screening participation among Saskatchewan Aboriginal women. This theme, transitioning from experiencing the negatives of cervical cancer screening participation to living healthier, consisted of the womens mind-set (attitudes and cultural beliefs), knowledge, encounters with the health care system, and sharing information across the generations, which included patterns of communication and a community oriented approach.<p> Discussion: Findings of this study suggest that improving knowledge about cervical cancer screening and cervical cancer may increase screening utilization. Emphasis on health promotion and prevention should be considered when designing education programs. Interventions designed to improve screening rates are more effective when community members are involved in each phase, ensuring cultural relevance. Improving knowledge about, experiences with, and stories shared regarding cervical cancer screening among Aboriginal women may increase screening rates.

This dissertation is an analysis of sharing in the history of western Canada and Indigenous-Settler relations from 1800 to 1970. Based on original research conducted with two Indigenous groups – the Stó:lō Nation of British Columbia’s Fraser River Valley and Metis communities of northwest Saskatchewan – it documents the significance of sharing to both Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations at the turn of the eighteenth century as well as the role it played in mediating cross cultural interactions following sustained contact in the nineteenth century. Using ethnohistorical methods, I argue that sharing has been a defining feature of Native and Newcomer lives and collective identities. In Indigenous communities it insulated family groups from environmental variability while affirming kin-based social networks. Among non-Indigenous people, sharing provided the basis for imagined communities of individuals connected by religion, occupation, and other non-kin characteristics. In situations of cross-cultural interaction, sharing provided an important lens through which Natives and Newcomers viewed themselves and each other. Indigenous people have viewed sharing as the “Indian way,” a defining feature of Indigeneity in western Canada and elsewhere. Non-Indigenous people, on the other hand, have viewed Indigenous peoples’ dependence on welfare and other government transfer payments – recent examples of sharing – as evidence of cultural difference and, often, inferiority. Sharing thus provides a window into Native and Newcomer worldviews and socio-cultural structures as well as relations forged between and among them. This history of sharing illuminates subtle, critically important events and processes in the history of Indigenous-Settler relations and the transformation of Indigenous North America into Canada.