The aim of this paper is to map and analyze what role Swede's played in King Leopold II's colony in the former Congo Free State. Letters and messages that arrived at the Congo Consulate in Sweden between 1895 and 1906 have been used as the paper's primary sources. Application letters from 32 different Swedes, seeking to join the Congo Free State Army, to the General Consul of the Congo Consulate, Hans Hugold von Schwerin, have been used as primary sources, and constitute the basis of the paper's analysis. The letters arrived at the Congo Consulate in Sweden between 1895 and 1906.   The applicants were all men of different social classes, and were between the ages of 20 and 30 years old. Their chief reasons for applying were primarily for own financial gain or because they did not get a chance to serve in the Swedish army. The Swedes who went on to serve in the Congo Free State Army were mostly members of the Swedish upper class and already trained military officers.   By analyzing the data using theories of imperialism, this paper concludes that Sweden did in fact play part in, and contributed to, the development of imperialism in large, and the imperialism that developed in the Congo Free State in the late 1800's.

« La garantie des droits de l’homme et du citoyen nécessite une force publique : cette force est donc instituée pour l’avantage de tous, et non pour l’utilité particulière de ceux auxquels elle est confiée. » Telle est la lettre de l’article 12 de la Déclaration des droits de l’Homme et du citoyen du 26 août 1789. La relation qui s’opère entre la force publique et les droits de l’homme présente un caractère amphibologique. En effet, la force publique est à la fois la garante des droits de l’homme, mais elle constitue en même temps un danger potentiel d’atteinte aux libertés publiques. Notre étude a donc pour objet de s’interroger sur la manière dont la force publique peut être la garante des droits et libertés. L’état de paix sociale est généré par la force publique qui se pose comme étant la garante des droits et libertés par l'exercice du monopole de la violence physique légitime (Max WEBER). L’exercice du monopole de la contrainte physique légitime doit viser à garantir les droits et libertés de chaque être humain vivant au sein de la société. Pour atteindre ce but fondamental, il est nécessaire que la contrainte exercée soit encadrée. Il conviendra d’étudier les éventuelles atteintes à ces droits et libertés selon une gradation examinée par rapport à l’action de la force publique. À cet égard, il convient d’étudier l’encadrement juridique de l’emploi de la contrainte opérée par la force publique au regard des libertés individuelles, lesquelles concernent la liberté d’aller et de venir et le droit de propriété. Puis, l’on examinera les atteintes potentielles de la force publique à l’égard de l’intégrité de la personne. / "The guarantee of the rights of man and citizen requires a public force: this force is thus instituted for the advantage of all and not for the personal benefit of those to whom it is entrusted." This is the letter of Article 12 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 26 August 1789. The relationship that occurs between law enforcement and human rights presents an amphibological character. Indeed, the police is both the guarantor of human rights, but it is also a potential danger of infringement of civil liberties. Our study aims to question the way in which the police may be the guarantor of rights and freedoms.The state of social peace is generated by the public force that arises as the guarantor of rights and freedoms by exercising the monopoly of legitimate physical violence (Max WEBER). The exercise of the monopoly of legitimate physical coercion must seek to ensure the rights and freedoms of every human being living in society. To achieve this fundamental goal, it is necessary that the coercion is framed. It will be necessary to investigate possible violations of these rights and freedoms in a gradation examined in relation to the action of the police. In this regard, it is necessary to study the legal framework for the use of coercion made by the police in respect of individual freedoms, which concerns freedom of coming and going and the right to property. Then, we examine the potential damage of the police with regard to the person's integrity.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis argues that King Leopold II, in his exploitation of the Congo, dealt the Congo a future of political, ethnic, and economic destabilization. At one time consisting of unified and advanced kingdoms, the Congo turned to one completely beleaguered by poverty and political oppression. Leopold acquired the Congo through unethical means and thus took the people's chances away at self-rule. He provided for no education or vocational training, which would stunt future Congolese leaders from making sound economic and political policies. Leopold also exploited the Congo with the help of concession companies, both of which used forced labor to extract valuable resources. Millions of Congolese died and the Congo itself became indebted through Belgian loans that were given with no assurance they could ever truly be paid back due to the crippled economy of the Congo. With the Congo now in crippling debt, the current president, Joseph Kabila, has little incentive to invest in reforms or public infrastructure, which stunts economic growth.1 For over a century the Congo has been ruled by exploitative and authoritarian regimes due to Leopold's initial acquisition. The colonization from Leopold lasted from 1885-1908, and then he sold it to his home country of Belgium who ruled the Congo from 1908 to 1960. Belgium helped prop up a dictator named Joseph Mobutu or Mobutu Sese Seko who ruled from 1965 to 1997. Afterwards he was overthrown by the Kabila family who has continued the exploitative rule and has made no significant efforts at democratization or reforms. Thus the ethnic conflicts, political oppression and economic woes that the Congo is facing today are inevitably linked to its Leopoldian past.