This treatise is undertaken with the purpose of investigating, through the application of the critical futures technique, causal layered analysis (CLA), the case for South Africa’s inclusion in the BRICS alliance. CLA is explored as a technique that allows for the creation of transformative knowledge which contextualises our reality, enabling techniques for exploring different alternatives that lead to outcomes. In an attempt to understand the unique features that underscore these emerging economies and why they are considered the engines behind global economic growth, the member states’ economies are systematically deconstructed. By analysing key economic variables, strengths and weaknesses, CLA allows for the development of conclusive narratives regarding the legitimacy of all BRICS economies. This study discusses the motivation for the formation of this alliance and its role in the global economy. It demonstrates and sorts out the different views concerning its dreams and aspirations. The all-inclusive nature of CLA allows for the consideration of a wide range of perspectives that seek to clarify motives behind the convergence of the BRICS economies to form an alliance. South Africa’s membership is assessed, using both the economic and political schools of thought. On a balance of a number of dominant views, considered valid, that either support or reject the inclusion of South Africa, this study demonstrates that whether or not it belongs amongst the major emerging countries is an absurd question. It thus proposes that a pertinent question to ask is one that explores ways in which South Africa can effectively capitalise on its BRICS membership to drive its own economic growth.

The characteristics of the Sino-Soviet Alliance have been analyzed extensively for more than three decades. However, the economic aspects of this Alliance remain unclear. A number of factors, such as statistical discrepancies, complexity of interpretation, and the quality and reliability of the Chinese and Soviet sources , are accountable for this obscurity. A more narrowly focused study examining the role Sino-Soviet economic relations played in shaping the Alliance is useful to better our understanding. After a chronological, review of the Sino-Soviet economic relationship, its significance in shaping the Alliance is examined through the reappraisal of three major areas. Firstly, the relative costs and benefits for each partner are assessed in an objective and detached way. The Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to China's industrialization. Soviet financial aid , though modest in figure, was provided in a timely way. Together with the provision of scientific and technological knowledge, the value of Soviet aid must be regarded as considerable. The benefits to the Soviet Union were less impressive; but since the imported Chinese consumer goods were largely consumed in the Soviet Far East, the benefits should not be underestimated. The cost for both sides remains obscure; though it is obvious that the questions of "Soviet exploitation", concerning the joint-stock companies, the overvaluation of the rouble and the pricing in Sino-Soviet trade are highly complex and should be interpreted with greater care. Secondly, the effect of Sino-Soviet economic cooperation on the Alliance — whether it strengthened or weakened it — is explored. Undoubtedly, the economic relationship had both unifying and divisive effects. It was a unifying factor because the Soviets had provided China with support and assistance that would have been difficult to obtain elsewhere . Another factor which had tied China to the USSR was the strong Soviet influences resulting from the implementation of the Soviet model and the close cooperation in the fields of education and sciences. On the other hand, these Soviet influences proved to be a divisive factor as well, because they produced a domestic political and social situation that Mao found profoundly distasteful. Different economic interests and competition in foreign aid programs also created tensions and frictions. The independent outlook of China's leaders made them resentful of their role as a junior partner in the early 1950's, and prevented them from entering a long-term trade agreement with the USSR or joining the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, as the Soviets had wished. Finally, the impact of Sino-Soviet economic relations upon China's policy-making is discussed, albeit speculatively. In the early 1950's, China's economic and military dependence on the USSR made its leaders exercise greater caution in their claim of "Mao's Road " as the model for other Asian countries. As China gained strength, however, Soviet influence declined. While the discontinuation of Soviet financial aid can reasonably be regarded as one of the major factors contributing to China's decision to abandon the Soviet model in 1958, the economic pressure applied by Khrushchev failed to change China's policy, and proved counterproductive. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1984 N39 / Master of Science

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).

The objective of this research was to examine how SADC states can attain goal 8 of the Millennium Development Goals set up by the international community through the United Nations in the year 2000, using trade under the mechanism envisaged by the World Trade Organization by the target date of 2015.

D.Comm. / Foreign debt affects the economy through three main channels, namely: the debt overhang effect, the liquidity constraint effect and the uncertainty effect. The main aim of this study is to derive an optimal level of foreign debt relative to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for South Africa by investigating these channels. Incurring foreign debt is like a double edge sword. On the one side the foreign debt is needed for economic development (from a demand perspective) and on the other side the level of debt impacts on the economy through higher domestic interest rates, via the sovereign risk spread, (from a supply perspective). The factors that impact on capital flows as shown by previous periods of financial distress in the global capital markets and debt sustainability were investigated. This study shows that risk spreads are driven by both internal and external factors. Investors will price into the secondary risk spread their perceptions of the sustainability of foreign debt. This is also impacted by external factors such as contagion and the credit rating of a country. The different objectives of government in the internal capital market since 1994 and the secondary objectives of building liquidity benchmarks, diversifying the foreign currency portfolio, broadening the investor base in RSA bonds and borrowing at the most effective rates, are also discussed. A number of equations were estimated using the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) method and the values for government foreign debt were varied to test the impact on the familiar IS/LM/BP and AS/AD models. These models were further used to determine the debt overhang and liquidity constraint effect. It was found that foreign debt has an asymmetric impact on economic growth where it contributes to economic growth up to a level of approximately 35 per cent of GDP, where after it has a negative impact on economic growth.

Research report submitted towards the award of Master of Arts Department of International Relations University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017 / This dissertation investigates FOCAC and TICAD contributions towards development on the African continent. The research explains the architecture of the latter conference diplomacy institutions. Japan and China are argued to be competing through evidence from the different fields that give foreign assistance to. Jospeh Nye’s soft power as theoretical framework will guide the research’s understanding of Chinese and Japanese engagements in African development. The research found that FOCAC outweighed TICAD in financial contributions however TICAD through JICA had more grassroots level contributions. China was seen to be focused on bilateral relations aimed at supporting state-led companies in big infrastructure development. Japan is argued to be more engaging with external actors while supporting African development and in addition, showed more support for the African Union’s policies. China has ‘win-win’ and Japan has ‘partnership’ both in line with African Pan -African ideals. Africans are lacking policy and guidelines in dealing with foreign partners and argued to organise themselves and respond to Japanese and Chinese interests collectively. Agenda 2063 that mentions external partners as a source of funding for development is not enough to use a policy. African development policies are seen to have failed previously due to unfulfilled promises from external partners. The research argues that African people should take FOCAC and TICAD as learning spaces and take a leadership role in their own development. / XL2018