Work on relations between developing countries (LDCs) and the socialist countries has tended to focus on the Soviet Union because of its superpower status. This thesis adopts an alternative approach by examining relations between LDCs and a smaller, but still important country; because the absence of 'superpower' attitudes and concerns permits a less exclusive identification of the factors involved in bilateral economic relations between LDCs and a planned socialist economy. The immediate post-Stalinist era in Eastern Europe coincided with the post-colonial era in the Third World. Because Western literature in this period often imputed sinister motives to socialist countries 5 efforts to develop relations with the new states, this thesis has analysed (with the benefit of two decades of hindsight) the relative importance of political and economic factors in the evolution of Czechoslovak/LDC economic relations. Qualitative analysis was reinforced where appropriate with statistical correlations between economic variables (including delta coefficients) and an index of UN voting patterns developed to approximate bilateral Czechoslovak/LDC 'political affinity'. The comprehensive approach adopted contributed significantly to placing specific aspects of bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and a core group of 41 LDCs in a broader and therefore enhanced perspective. A number of selected but interrelated issues were examined - inter alia, historical antecedents; the direction, composition, and stability of trade; payments; politics; the terms of trade; barriers to trade; development assistance; and the arms trade - within the analytical framework of the 'intensity' approach to foreign trade. It was found that trade with LDCs has been historically concentrated on a small number of the larger economies, consisting of an exchange of Czechoslovak manufactures for raw materials or semi-processed products. The overall trade share of LDCs has declined slowly but steadily since the early sixties. Relations in the period 1960-1975 appear to have been based primarily on commercial considerations. World prices are allegedly preferred in trade, entrepots are used, development assistance is extended with domestic interests in mind, etc. Political biases are apparent only on the broader level: e.g. the preponderance of India and Egypt in trade with LDCs.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations. South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former. Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South Africa. The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the implications this may have on their relationship in the future This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership. From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary. South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African continent and elsewhere. The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations. The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the international system. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onlangse toetrede van die VolksRepubliek van China (VRC) tot die geledere van die ekonomiese supermoondhede het een van die mees beduidende verwikkelinge in wêreldaangeleenthede geword. Soos die VRC ekonomies belangriker geword het, is gepoog om hierdie sukses te herhaal op ander terreine van die land se buitelandse betrekkinge met die res van die wêreld. Afrika en Afrika lande is ‗n streek waar die VRC se betrokkenheid en verbindnisse groot konsternasie ontlok het, veral vanaf Westerse lande. Maar hierdie streek, relatief tot sy geografiese en demografiese grootte, natuurlike hulpbronne en betrokkenheid by ander streke en veral Westerse lande, bly onbeduidend in die VRC se buitelandse betrekkinge. Die aandag wat Suid Afrika van die VRC geniet is disproporsioneel in vergelyking met die belang van die VRC se soeke na hulpbronne om haar fenomenale ekonomiese groei te stook. Die verhoudinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC het in die bestek van ‗n dekade gegroei in diepte en kompleksiteit wat als oorskadu ten spyte van groot ongelykhede tussen hulle. Suid- Afrika is die eerste ontwikkelende land met wie die VRC ‗n omvattende strategiese vennootskap gesluit het. Terwyl die konsep van ‗n ‗strategiese vennootskap‘ onduidelik bly in internasionale betrekkinge, vergestalt dit betrekinge van beduidenis en statuur wat gewone bilatirale betrekkinge aanvul, alhoewel laasgenoemde beter gedefinieer en bindend is as eersgenoemde. Dit is duidelik dat die Chinese regering groot belang heg aan betrekkinge met Suid-Afrika Die oorgang na demokrasie en ‗n florerende plurale sosio-ekonomiese kulturele samelewing wat bewonder word ten spyte van die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n navolgingswaardige en wenslike vennoot. Suid-Afrika se internasionale statuur en rol in die internasionale stelsel pas die VRC se doelwitte in hierdie opsig en maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n goeie skerm floret vir die VRC. Maar, hierdie tesis betoog dat daar ook ander redes is buiten die wel bekende natuurlike hulpbron onttrekking en diplomatieke argumente wat Suid-Afrika vir die VRC aantreklik sou maak. Womack se ongelykheidsteorie in internasionale betrekkinge word gebruik om dit te ondersoek en toe te lig. Ongelykheidsteorie is nog nie voorheen in studies oor hierdie betrekkinge gebruik nie. Hierdie tesis verskaf dus ‗n belangrike alternatiewe metode om hierdie betrekkinge te bestudeer. Die tesis ondersoek Suid-Afrika en die VRC se betrekkinge na aanleiding van Womack (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) se terminologie en metodologie en fokus op gebiede waar die twee lande mekaar komplimenteer en kan saamwerk; wedersydse verstaan van, en waardering vir, mekaar se mense en geskiedenisse kan koester; om aktief vyandigheid te omskep in vriendskap en om verhoudings so bedrewe te bestuur dat vriendskap nie in vyhandigheid verander nie; en om ook wat Womack roetiene, neutraliteit en diplomatieke ritueel noem te gebruik in die bestuur van hul vennootskap. Deur die lens van ongelykheidsteorie kyk die tesis na wat die vinnige progressie wat hierdie betrekkinge onderskraag, motiveer en verklaar. Vanuit die perspektief van ongelykheidsteorie vind die VRC Suid-Afrika komplimenterend. Dit is die grootste, mees gesofistikeerde, ontwikkelde en gediversifiseerde ekonomie in Afrika en die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit besit of het toegang tot tegniese en bestuurskennis wat die VRC moeilik elders toegang toe sou kon kry. Suid-Afrika bly ‗n strategiese maritime en vloot roete vir VRC handel en toegang tot sleutel hulpbronne op die Afrika kontinent en elders. Een van die bevindings van die studie is dat ongelykheidsteorie ‗n nuttige metode is om die bestuur van die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC te verstaan. Dit verskaf ‗n raamwerk vir die analise van die motiverings en dinamiese interaksies wat die vordering van hul diplomatieke betrekkinge bepaal. Die bevindings van die tesis impliseer dat die diplomatieke betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC nie net op die VRC se behoefte aan bronne en diplomatieke steun in die internasionale stelsel gebaseer is nie.

M.Comm. (Economics) / The objective of this dissertation was to examine the effects of the European Union on the external trade relations of South Africa during the period of the lifting of sanctions, 1988 current. The rules for trade with third countries like South Africa, are formulated by the Council of Ministers. The Commission of the European Communities is primarily responsible for implementing the rules and regulations approved by the Council. Recent developments in the Union, such as the completion of the single market programme, had a profound effect on the Union's trade with third countries. South Africa is no longer in a position to negotiate with the individual member states of the Union, but must deal with the institutions of the European Union like the Commission, the Council and the European Court. In 1994 the member states of the European Union and the five member states of the European Free Trade Area formed the European Economic Area with a population of more than 385 million. The European Union has several preferential trade arrangements with developed and developing countries. It provides different degrees of preferences to various groups of developing countries. The depth and breadth of these preferences are not necessarily related to the level of development of the recipient country. A hierarchy of preferences can be distinguished, the so-called pyramid of preferences. The most important of these arrangements, and at the top of the hierarchy, is the agreement with the 70 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP countries), the Lome Convention. The Union abides by the most favoured nation rule of the newly formed World Trade Organisation. Its preferential trade arrangements are within the rules of the World Trade Organisation. South Africa's future arrangements with the Union will have to be formulated within the rules and regulations of the World Trade Organisation. South Africa, as a developed country, was included in the Union's generalised system of preferences (GSP) since September 1994. There are several possibilities for South Africa to negotiate a preferential trade agreement with the Union. It is possible for South Africa to obtain qualified membership of the Lome Convention. The ACP countries have agreed to South Africa's qualified membership of the Convention at the Joint Assembly between the ACP countries and the Union in Gabon in 1994. At this stage it is not clear what South Africa's qualified membership of the Convention will entail. It is expected that South Africa will be excluded from the trade preferences under the Lome Convention. If this is the case, South Africa can negotiate a bilateral agreement to include those aspects that are excluded from its qualified membership of Lome. Almost 77 per cent of South Africa's exports in 1992 entered the Union duty free. In 1993 nearly 80 per cent of South Africa's imports came from the northern member states of the Union, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, Ireland and Luxembourg, while only 20 ver cent came from the southern member states, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

by Kwong Man Bun. / Thesis (M.Ph.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1988. / Bibliography: leaves 284-289.

by Gordon C.K. Cheung. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-265). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest dissertations and theses, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.