The flypaper effect states that grants-in-aid increases public spending more than a comparable increase in personal income. If aid increases spending, then there is the possibility that it displaces own-source revenue or a portion of the aid itself is used to meet other priorities of governments, fungibility. Different local government structures have the tendency to prioritize either the operating or capital budget. Empirical evidence shows that federal and state grants have different flypaper effect. While fungible state aid is allocated to the operating budget, that of federal goes to the capital budget. Council-manager and mayor-council form of governments do not allocate fungible intergovernmental aid differently between the capital and operating budgets.

State grants are perceived to mitigate the fiscal disparities among local governments in providing services. However, cutbacks in state grants as a result of changes in state grant policy in different states affect local expenditures dedicated to maintaining service provisions to citizens. This dissertation constructs a theoretical model to explain the extent to which and the ways in which types of state grants, revenue diversity, and form of local government impact local spending and the provision of public programs when local governments experience cuts in state grants. The dissertation also argues that when facing state grant cuts, local governments with a council-manager form of government and with higher revenue diversity will experience reduced change in local expenditures and that decreases in state categorical grants will lead to more cuts in distributive program expenditures. Given the diversity of state and local arrangements, this dissertation conducts a comparative and panel data study to test the hypotheses in 351 and 271 municipalities in Massachusetts and Colorado, respectively, in 2000 through 2008. The empirical results indicate that the form of government and the degree of revenue diversification have a greater impact on the local spending behaviors in Colorado than in Massachusetts. Meanwhile, decreases in state categorical grants lead to more cuts in distributive program expenditures in both Massachusetts and Colorado. This dissertation concludes that the theoretical model explains the effects of state grant reductions on local spending better in Colorado than it does in Massachusetts.

The Dissertation covers the aspect of term limits of head of state and its links with the principles of national sovereignty, separation of powers and supremacy of the constitution in various forms of state government. The analysis of the concept of powers and term limits of head of state, put into the context of development of the global legal thought, uncovers progress in the scientific understanding of the concept and paves the way to the key arguments of the Paper (the right to establish term limits of authorities lies with the nation (John Locke); the term limit of authority is inversely proportional to the greatness of power (Charles Montesquieu). The study into the features and dynamics of constitutional regulation of term limits of head of state is based on the analysis of the relevant provisions in over 500 constitutions; as a result, the study establishes the development trends in the definition of term limits enshrined in the said constitutions. Another part of the study looks into the reasons behind the violations of constitutional provisions on term limits of head of state and analyses the dynamics of the said violations in monarchies and republics as forms of government, paying attention to the criterion of greatness of authority of head of state. On the basis of the present research, the author establishes the effectiveness of direct and inverse application of the rule formulated by Charles Montesquieu (the greatness of power must be compensated by the brevity... [to full text] / Disertacijoje atskleistas valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės aspektas ir jo sąsajos su Tautos suvereniteto, valdžių padalijimo, Konstitucijos viršenybės principais valstybės valdymo formose. Analizuojant valdžios ir valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės sampratą pasaulio teisinės minties raidoje, nustatytas jos mokslinio suvokimo progresas ir esminiai konstatuojamieji teiginiai (teisė nustatyti valdžios įgaliojimų trukmę priklauso tautai (J. Locke), valdžios įgaliojimų trukmė atvirkščiai proporcinga įgaliojimų dydžiui (Sh. Montesquieu). Tiriant valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės konstitucinio reguliavimo ypatumus ir dinamiką, išnagrinėtos ir apibendrintos daugiau nei 500 konstitucijų aktualios nuostatos, nustatytos jose užfiksuotų įgaliojimų trukmių apibrėžimų raidos tendencijos. Kitame tyrime nagrinėtos valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės konstitucinių nuostatų pažeidimų priežastys, dinamika monarchijos bei respublikos valdymo formose, atsižvelgiant į vadovų įgaliojimų apimties kriterijų. Remiantis tyrimų duomenimis, nustatytas Sh. Montesquieu teiginio (kuo valdžios įgaliojimai didesni, tuo trumpiau ji turi valdyti) tiesioginio ir atvirkštinio taikymo efektyvumas. Patvirtinta mokslinio tyrimo prielaida, jog valstybės vadovo įgaliojimų trukmės konstitucinių nuostatų pažeidžiamumas yra proporcingas jo įgaliojimų apimčiai. Šią konstitucinio reguliavimo problemą siūloma spręsti naudojant atvirkštinį Sh.Montesquieu teiginį (kuo valdžios įgaliojimai menkesni, tuo jų trukmė yra... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação procura, utilizando o pensamento de Maquiavel, Montesquieu e Madison, estudar o governo republicano a partir de dois paradigmas distintos, a saber, a forma de governo e o modo de governar. O primeiro diz respeito ao seu caráter institucional do Estado e da atividade política e se torna inteligível por uma compreensão teórica da política, ou seja, sobre o que lhe confere formato. O segundo se refere aos modos de ação do governo independentemente de seu formato institucional e pode ser compreendido por aspectos sociológicos, pois diz respeito mais à sociedade. Maquiavel e, de um ponto de vista, Montesquieu podem ser considerados os principais representantes da tradição que identifica na forma de governo a definição da república. Montesquieu, sob outra perspectiva, e Madison são os que mais se dedicaram ao modo de governar. Além disso, este estudo procura abordar a liberdade como categoria identitária da política e, assim, formando um todo coeso da tradição republicana. / This dissertation tries, using the thought of Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Madison, to study the republican government based on two distinct paradigms, namely the form of government and the mode of governing. The first relates to its institutional character of the State and political activity and becomes intelligible by a theoretical understanding of politics, that is what gives it shape. The second refers to modes of action of the government regardless of its institutional format and can be understood by sociological aspects, as it relates to society. Machiavelli and, under a point of view, Montesquieu can be considered the main representatives of that tradition identifies as the definition of form of government of the republic. Montesquieu, from another perspective, and Madison are the most dedicated to how to govern. Furthermore, this study seeks to address the freedom as a category of identity politics and thereby forming a cohesive whole of the republican tradition.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação procura, utilizando o pensamento de Maquiavel, Montesquieu e Madison, estudar o governo republicano a partir de dois paradigmas distintos, a saber, a forma de governo e o modo de governar. O primeiro diz respeito ao seu caráter institucional do Estado e da atividade política e se torna inteligível por uma compreensão teórica da política, ou seja, sobre o que lhe confere formato. O segundo se refere aos modos de ação do governo independentemente de seu formato institucional e pode ser compreendido por aspectos sociológicos, pois diz respeito mais à sociedade. Maquiavel e, de um ponto de vista, Montesquieu podem ser considerados os principais representantes da tradição que identifica na forma de governo a definição da república. Montesquieu, sob outra perspectiva, e Madison são os que mais se dedicaram ao modo de governar. Além disso, este estudo procura abordar a liberdade como categoria identitária da política e, assim, formando um todo coeso da tradição republicana. / This dissertation tries, using the thought of Machiavelli, Montesquieu and Madison, to study the republican government based on two distinct paradigms, namely the form of government and the mode of governing. The first relates to its institutional character of the State and political activity and becomes intelligible by a theoretical understanding of politics, that is what gives it shape. The second refers to modes of action of the government regardless of its institutional format and can be understood by sociological aspects, as it relates to society. Machiavelli and, under a point of view, Montesquieu can be considered the main representatives of that tradition identifies as the definition of form of government of the republic. Montesquieu, from another perspective, and Madison are the most dedicated to how to govern. Furthermore, this study seeks to address the freedom as a category of identity politics and thereby forming a cohesive whole of the republican tradition.

Following the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, Muslim nations have been placed in the spotlight of international debate; the prevailing understanding is that democracy and Islam are fundamentally incompatible. This verdict is particularly damning in light of the trend in International Law which, since the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, has equated democracy with human rights. Yet, a thorough analysis of the debate, taking into account the historical and theoretical bases of liberal democracy — the cultural, legal, and political development of Islam, and the extent to which the politics of Islamic countries represents the politics of Islam — reveals that democracy and Islam are, in fact, fundamentally compatible. In practice, Islamic Law can be applied alongside developments in democratic representations and human rights, whilst popular perceptions of Islam as inhibiting development in human rights are often unfounded, as can be demonstrated by examining the case of Saudi Arabia.

In terms of government structure, the constitutional system of the Czech Republic is based on the principles of the parliamentary form of government. That means executive powers are vested in the Government (Council of Ministers), which is accountable to the Parliament through the vote of confidence. The Head of State as a pouvoir neutre plays usually a representative and integrating role in this system. On the contrary the President lacks the political accountability and the Parliament (or another voting body) does not have any direct way of holding him accountable for his action. Except for high treason he also cannot be prosecuted for his actions during his term. The Government therefore usually influences the exercise of his powers by countersigning his acts or decisions. Nevertheless, the role of the Czech President within the constitutional system is not only ceremonial; through his powers he can also actively participate in the adoption of political decisions. He can even exercise some of his expressly granted powers not subject to approval of the Government or any other constitutional body. But is such extent of powers compatible with the fact of his non-accountability? The public debate about these issues has been arising repeatedly since the adoption of the Czech Constitution without...

The length and depth of the Great Recession of 2008 provides an opportunity to examine the policy behavior of local governments unlike any window since the 1930's post Depression era. Utilizing Peterson's (1981) City Limits typology as a framework for local government policy allows for an evaluation of whether or not the economic downturn caused local governments to change their relative expenditures between policy categories. The City Limits typology has been widely used in the literature to explain how expenditures define a local government's role in economic development. The typology has had limited use in a pre-post natural experimental research design to determine if a local government has 'shifted' policy priorities as measured by changes in expenditures among and between policy categories. This research design and the use Peterson's framework combine for a study that has not yet been conducted under similar conditions. Most of the existing literature, including the research from the 1980's, failed to account for inter-state differences that directly affect local government expenditures and policy. Concentrating solely on Florida local governments, this study eliminates the confounding nature of a national study and ensures that the unit of analysis is comparable for research purposes. The study utilizes actual expenditure data for all cities and counties in Florida from FY2006 through FY2011. The research tests for the relationships between changes in policy priorities from pre- to post-recession, and the type of government, form of government, and various socio-economic factors. The research contributes to a new body of knowledge that is just beginning to emerge in the literature about how local governments respond to periods of extreme fiscal stress. The findings suggest that cities and counties had an inverse response from pre- to post-recession with cities shifting toward developmental expenditures and counties prioritizing allocational spending. Differences were also found between forms of government. In addition, the density of population was found to contribute differently to shifts in expenditures for cities and counties. The study identifies emerging patterns that can help local governments understand past behavior and better anticipate future economic downturns.

Do we know whether the use of geographic information systems (GIS) in law enforcement agencies increases police performance? This study examines the impact of GIS use to police performance outcomes in cities and counties of the U.S. between 2000 and 2007. Current research uses computerized mapping conceptualization to operationalize its measurement. Second, the police performance methodological context is used to measure the organizational impact of GIS. Finally, a new theoretical framework, information technology capacity that combines organizational, environmental and managerial factors to explain IT applications, is used to encompass most relevant dimensions of the subject matter. Findings indicate that the use of GIS in police agencies increased sharply between 2003 and 2007. Additionally, the contribution of GIS use on police performance was found to be statistically significant, but in the opposite direction. Overall, results of the present study indicate significant links between crime rate (DV) and independent variables (IV) in law enforcement agencies. IVs are having a professional form of government andfull time specialized crime analysis personnel, police strength, the use of GIS, population, being located in the Northeast and West regions, poverty, having encouraged SARA type projects and a community policing unit.