Depuis la Révolution de 1789, la France a multiplié les expériences constitutionnelles et, après avoir refusé le bicamérisme, a connu depuis 1795 de nombreux régimes dotés d’une chambre haute. Les secondes assemblées républicaines, monarchistes ou impériales ont jalonné nos institutions publiques et politiques. Durant plus de deux siècles, la fonction présidentielle de la chambre haute s’est ainsi progressivement affirmée. L'éminence naturelle d'une telle charge, de même que l'autorité dont elle jouit au Palais du Luxembourg, permettent au président d'incarner la chambre haute. Cela n'empêche pas la fonction de demeurer en retrait sur le plan politique et cantonnée au périmètre caméral jusqu’en 1875. C’est alors qu’elle s’affirme, générant une influence au-delà de la haute assemblée. Son émancipation lui offre des attributions institutionnelles nouvelles. Ces missions sont efficacement remplies, attestant de la maturité de la fonction et permettant à de grands noms d’y être associés : la famille Pasquier, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher… / Since the Revolution of 1789, France has multiplied the constitutional experiences. Most of political regimes have kept the bicameral system. The upper Houses, republican, monarchist or imperial, have thus marked out our institutions. For more than two centuries, the presidential function of the upper House has built its outlines.The natural eminence of such a workload, as well as the authority it enjoys in the Palais du Luxembourg, allows the President to personify the upper chamber. It doesn’t prevent the function from staying back from the political scene and confined to the cameral’perimeter until 1875. Then it asserts itself, creating an impact beyond the second chamber. Indeed, its emancipation giving new institutional attributions. These missions are successfully fulfilled, certifying the maturity of the function and allowing famous names to be related to them : the Pasquier’s family, J. Ferry, J. Jeanneney, G. Monnerville, A. Poher…

The current French president has more possibilities to strengthen his position within the political system of the Fifth republic than his predecessors before the year 2000. This is the conclusion of this paper. At the turn of the millennium, French citizens have approved in a referendum the reduction of presidential term from seven to five years. In addition french prime minister initiated the change of the electoral calendar. Thanks to these reforms the probability that the system freezes in the period of cohabitation decreased significantly. In that context, this paper examines in what extend the role of the president became more important and how the last three french heads of state (Chirac, Sarkozy and Hollande) managed to behave within this new constitutional settlement. According to the results of this study, the president got wider possibilities especially in the field of practical execution of his mandate. It is because he can be more certain that the parliamentary majority will support him during his whole five year term. This means that the constitutional reform in 2000 (and next revisions in 2007 and 2008) made the political system clearer and it also stabilized the electoral calendar. Additionally, if an ambitious politician with the will of concentrating big amount of power only in his own...

The thesis Revision of french constitution in 2008 analyses french case of the constitutional revision initiated by Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. This case study focuses on the complex way of modifying constitution in France. It was the biggest constitutional revision in the history of The Fifth Republic. The aim of this revision was to modernise institutions and their better equilibrium. The thesis is divided into two main parts. First chapter mainly analyses the propositions of Committee of reflexion about modernisation and equilibrium of institutions of The Fifth Republic, called Committee of Balladur. This Committee proposed 77 suggestions. Three main goals of this revision were declared: a better control of executive power, reinforcement of Parliament and new right for the citizens. Second chapter focuses concretely on the constitutional law nř2008-724 from 23 July 2008. This paper analyses how the three initially declared goal were accomplished. Concerning the executive power, the powers of the president was limited mainly symbolically in several constitutional articles. His mandate is limited to two succeeding mandats, some of his nomination are newly controlled by Parliament, he has no more power to grant a general pardon. But we can not consider these symbolical changes as a real limitation of executive...