Det var med anledning av att valet i USA återigen vanns av George W Bush som min frågeställning formades. Vad är det som gör att den så kallade kristna högern mycket medvetet stödjer Bush i dennes strävan efter att styra världens mäktigaste land? Vad är det i den amerikanska kulturen som har medfört ytterligare en valseger för George W Bush? Det är också intressant i sammanhanget varför just Bush favoriseras av den kristna högern och inte hans kombattant John F Kerry som också säger sig vara religiös, dock katolik till skillnad mot Bush som är frikyrklig.

The US-Israel relations were based on the US political and strategic interests in the Middle East. The beginning of relations resulted from the Israel&rsquo / s strategic importance for United States to contain the Soviet sponsored-communism and its location to easy access oil reserves. The bilateral relation, especially after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, was transformed into a special relation. However, following the election of George Bush as President of the US, the US-Israeli relations rose and reached its peak in the 8-year period of his Administration. For that reason, this thesis aims at analyzing the role of the Jewish lobbies, in the context of the US-Israeli relations from 1948 to 2008, particular focusing on the Bush Administration period. This study tries to answer the question of to what extent does the Jewish lobby influence foreign policy or to what extent does the Jewish lobby has the relative strength of influence than other ethnic groups or lobbies in the US foreign policy-making process is another aim of this study. This thesis argues that the Jewish lobby has been highly affectively to influence the US foreign policy-making process. In addition, it also argues that the US foreign policy is based on importance of presidency and therefore it is impossible to explain American foreign policy without highlighting the personality and belief system of Presidents.

This dissertation combines performance analysis, rhetorical criticism, and psychoanalytical theory to analyze three performance “texts” as sites of haunting in post-9/11 America: Tony Kushner’s 2001 U.S. debut of Homebody/Kabul, the Broadway musical Wicked, and ABC’s television drama Lost. It contributes a nuanced, theorized reading of the civil implications of post-9/11 popular American culture as “more than memory” by demonstrating how these performances suggested “what might be” in ways that subverted Bush’s responses to the attacks. The first chapter reads Homebody/Kabul against the national addresses delivered by Bush in the first weeks after the attacks and argue that the 2001 New York Theatre Workshop performance created a space for audiences to reconsider the version of “mourning” encouraged by the Bush administration. The type of mourning modeled/enabled by Homebody/Kabul, I assert, is different from that against which Derrida warns. Rather than “silencing ghosts” (Gunn 82) through the integration of loss, Homebody/Kabul makes a space for conversing with, and models living with, ghosts. The second chapter argues that the Wicked’s Ozians are stuck in a state of melancholia, refusing to speak to/with the ghost of Elphaba. Because they refuse to reckon with Elphaba, they literally finish exactly where they began—with “No One Mourn[ing] the Wicked.” By reading Wicked against the celebratory rhetoric of the Bush administration after declaring “Mission Accomplished” in Iraq, we can understand the way the United States as a nation was (and may still be, in 2010) haunted by the Bush administration's failure to lead the nation in mourning effectively and ethically and by its incessant rhetoric of evil. The third chapter advocates for Lost as a hauntological reckoning with 9/11 that models ethical witnessing as a potentially generative meeting of human beings across cultures at the site of trauma. An alternative to the fear that the Bush administration encouraged leading up to Lost’s premiere and through its final season, ethical witnessing as modeled on Lost suggests that civilization stands to thrive where difference is honored—and risks toppling into chaos where the alternative “us against them” mentality (Other anxiety) prevails. / text

Utilizando como herramienta principal los conceptos foucaultianos de liberalismo y de racismo, la tesis los adapta al plano mundial. De esta forma, realiza un análisis del discurso de la administración George W. Bush y plantea que, a fin de aniquilar al enemigo en la Guerra Global contra el Terror, el mismo fue construido a partir de prácticas racistas que tuvieron en el lenguaje religioso su eje articulador. La emergencia del racismo, afirma la tesis, fue posible en el marco de un gobierno liberal mundial como modo de ejercicio de poder contemporáneo en el ámbito global.

This diploma thesis deals with the topic of the U. S. Peace Corps and its possible areas of improvement in the third millennium. The aim of the thesis is to research available documents and to determine and analyze possible areas of improvement during the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. The thesis focuses on African continent with regards to the Peace Corps presence in individual host countries. The main research questions of this thesis are: "What are the possible areas of improvement within the U. S. Peace Corps organization in the third millennium?", and "Is the agency and the political debates concerning the reforms of the agency reflecting experiences and feedback of the volunteers?" The answers to these questions are sought with the help of research in documents as well as with the help of the analysis of author's one hundred collected surveys from current and former volunteers. Moreover, the areas of the Peace Corps training, recruitment, and support of the volunteers are researched in this thesis alongside with the Washington bureaucracy, mission of the agency, safety and security of the volunteers, sexual assault response, and whistleblower reforms. There are four chapters in the thesis and several subchapters. The first chapter elaborates on the origins of the Peace...

This thesis submits broader understanding of George W. Bush and Barack Obama presidencies in terms of their Middle Eastern policy, in particular the issue of Iranian nuclear policy. The main interest lies in an intention to conclude, which particular circumstances led the American governments to rethink their position towards the Iranian nuclear program, bearing in mind changes which took place in security, economic and foreign policy interests of the United States. The first chapter describes the theoretical framework upon which the entire thesis is based upon. The second chapter provides a short review on the MENA region, describing the most visible factors and issues form the very last years of the second administration of Barack Obama. The third chapter is based upon the research of the Iranian position in the MENA region, its potential, and what possibilities the U.S. government posses in order to contain Iran from spreading its influence. The next chapter deals with an issue of nuclear terrorism and its connections towards Iran, evaluation of possible nuclear terrorist menace and possibilities of so called "Dirty Bombs" usage. The fifth chapter is based upon the research of the first presidency of George W. Bush and the policies which were implemented after the terrorist attacks on 11...

Transformation of the US Foreign Policy Diploma thesis "Transformation of the US Foreign Policy" consists changes and tranformations in the US foreign policy connected with alternations of president's administratives. Especially with the alternation in 2001, when Goerge W. Bush supplied Bill Clinton and than with 2009 when Barack Obama became president of the USA. My essential resource were special books about US foreign policy. Thereafter books from the field of theory of international relations and finally I used internet resources as special articles or manifests records. Diploma thesis is focused on foreign and security policy. Arise and progress of the USA shaped American identity. Hypothesis of work is connected with issue that even conducts and acts of administratives could be different, policy always following this American self-identity.

The 'special relationship' between the United States and the United Kingdom has existed since the beginning of the 1940s. During the Second World War, a strong alliance emerged that was based on a defense policy against a common enemy and a shared value principle. Throughout the Cold War, the special relationship evolved from a weakening of mutual relations in 1960s and 1970s to a renewed rapprochement in 1980s, mainly because of the shared opinions of the U.S. President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. After the geopolitical changes in 1989 a debate developed over the future of their special relationship. The question was whether (or in what form) the transatlantic alliance will continue to remain. The 9/11 terrorist attacks upon the United States gave the answer to this question and provided the impetus for renewed mutual British-American relations. Immediately after the attacks, the United Kingdom expressed its full support for the US-led fight against terrorism and followed the United States first into Afghanistan and later into Iraq. However, both President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair were strongly criticized that their war engagement, particularly in relation to the war in Iraq, had been unlawful and was based on false evidence supporting the...

This Master's thesis is concerned with the decision of American president George W. Bush to intervene in Iraq in 2003 and the differing attitudes towards this conflict- which emerged within NATO, especially between the USA and Great Britain on the one hand and France and Germany on the other before the Second Iraq War. Several chosen realistic concepts, for example changing the balance of power or security dilemma, were used to analyse these topics. This Master's thesis examines the relation of the USA to the Iraqi crisis in 2003 from the wider perspective of the new security context, which has appeared after the terrorist attacks on the September 11th, 2001. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

While the US-presidency comprises the most powerful office of leadership in the world and has also been investigated at various angles in personal, biographical approaches as well as comparative studies, this research paper specifically lays focus and compares the two presidencies of President Bush and President Obama in regard of their leadership qualities and counter-terrorism strategies. Because counterterrorism seems to be a good example of how presidents perform crises-management and because the subject by itself is critical in the perspective of human rights and security concerns, the research paper has chosen to focus on President Bush and President Obama who are known to have chosen different routes and strategies in countering terrorism. However, when comparing the two presidents’ leadership qualities regarding their counter-terrorism strategies, this paper concludes that on this matter the strategies of the two presidents were not quite so different as expected and a possible path of continuity runs through this realm of US-foreign affairs and presidents’ leadership decisions.