Denna uppsats är en undersökning av civilreligionen i Barack Obamas tal. Uppsatsens syfte har varit att analysera vilken funktion civilreligionen har haft i talen, hur den har framställts, och vilka taltillfällen som har haft ett större civilreligiöst innehåll än andra. Med hjälp av Robert N. Bellahs teori om den amerikanska civilreligionen har jag fastställt vad civilreligion är. Talen har analyserats med hjälp av en retorikanalys, för att kunna finna civilreligionens retoriska funktion. I undersökningen har jag analyserat sju tal mellan åren 2009-2015, de år som Barack Obama har varit USA’s president. I min slutsats kom jag fram till att civilreligionen kommer till uttryck olika beroende på i vilken situation talet har framförts. Obamas minnestal visade att civilreligionen fungerade som ett verktyg att skapa en gemenskap för nationen, och i State Of the Union användes den för att legitimera diverse beslut rörande nationell och internationell politik. De tal som stämde med vad tidigare forskning har visat var installationstalen, där det gick att finna många likheter mellan talen, och civilreligionen kommer till uttryck för att det är vad som förväntas av en amerikansk president.

Uppsatsen syftar till att genom en analys av tre tal undersöka på vilket sätt USA:s president Barack Obama använder sig av berättelser om sin familj och sin bakgrund i sina tal för att försöka stärka sitt ethos. Uppsatsen har tre huvudsakliga frågeställningar: När i talen pratar Obama om sin familj och bakgrund? Vad i dessa berättelser kan höja Obamas ethos och skapa förtroende för honom? Vilka retoriska grepp använder Obama för att försöka få så många som möjligt att känna att de har något gemensamt med honom?   Det material som analyseras i uppsatsen är tre tal framförda av Barack Obama. Det är det presentationstal (The Keynote Speech) som han höll på Demokraternas konvent 2004 när John Kerry skulle nomineras till presidentkandidat, det tal Obama höll om sin pastor när denne uttalat sig rasistiskt om vita (A More Perfect Union) samt det segertal han höll i Grant Park i Chicago 2008 då det stod klart att han blivit vald till USA:s 44:e president. Dessa tre tal har valts ut som analysmaterial då de dels rent kronologiskt speglar olika tidpunkter och avsatser i hans karriär och dels visar på tre olika sammanhang, ett då han egentligen presenterar en annan person (Keynote Speech) men ändå lyckas göra det även till ett presentationstal av sig själv, ett där han snarare ger ett slags försvarstal (A More Perfect Union) och ett som är mer präglat av glädje och förhoppning (The Victory Speech).   Den teori som presenteras i uppsatsen rör framför allt ethos, den retoriska situationen och topikläran, men en kortare genomgång av den klassiska retorikens tre talgenrer, partesläran, publikbegreppet och presidenttal genomförs även. Vad gäller uppsatsens metod utgörs den av en kombination av olika metoder då det inte finns någon enskild metod som är ultimat för uppsatsens syfte. De metoder som använts är delar av Maria Karlberg & Brigitte Mrals analysmodell från Heder och påverkan, nämligen kontext-, stil- och dispositionsanalys, ordvalsanalys enligt Roderick P. Hart samt en narrativ analysmetod utifrån Sonja K. Foss bok Rhetorical Criticism – Exploration and Practice.   Vad gäller de slutsatser som kan dras är två tydliga retoriska grepp som Obama använder sig av de värdeladdade orden och kodorden. Det finns ett överskott av positiva termer i de analyserade delarna av talen och det är knappast konstigt med tanke på att han pratar om saker som betyder mycket för honom. Familj är något som många kan relatera till, och därför kan man skapa gemenskap genom att prata om familjen och familjerelaterade frågor. Han beskriver hela tiden sin familj och släkt mycket kärleksfullt, och sanningen i det hela kan sägas bekräftas till exempel när Michelle Obama i slutet av The Keynote Speech kommer upp på scenen och omfamnar sin make. Vad gäller kodorden i sin tur är det ett effektivt sätt att göra USA:s befolkning till en grupp. Han använder begrepp som förmodligen är självklara för de flesta amerikaner och får dem därigenom att känna sig insatta och på samma nivå som talaren. På samma sätt finns även många stilfigurer som syftar till att måla upp positiva och vackra bilder av både familjen och landet USA.  Genom att använda sig av berättelserna om sin familj och bakgrund blir han personlig med publiken vilket gör att det är lättare att ta till sig vad han säger, och även lättare att få förtroende för honom.

Based on theoretical background and Barack Obama's campaign analysis this paper is aiming to define the trends in the field of political marketing. The conclusion is (a) a complex employment of marketing tools and strategies with focus on synergy of "new" and "old" media ("postmodern campaigns"), (b) necessity of "permanent campaigning", (c) profesionalization of strategy and execution, (d) personalization of message, political supply and of citizens and (e) change of electorate's reaction to campaign communication, which has been caused by usage of digital technologies and influence of pop culture.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:42:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Enrico Rosa Trevisan.pdf: 608655 bytes, checksum: 5b9587da0c739eaea4238262195fc7d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-29 / In a context of various tools being used for electoral communication, the present work aims to discuss and analyze the characteristics of the Internet as a new media for political and electoral propaganda. To reach this goal, a series of arguments were created a from a social psychology point of view, to understand the human and sociological aspects of the relationship between the target of political messages and the communicators of such messages. For a deeper understanding of the Internet as a media, an analysis of the Internet was carried out giving due attention to its essential characteristics to show that the virtual environment is effectively a new media capable of carrying political messages. In order to understand the use of communication tools for electoral purposes, a literature search was carried out to discriminate different forms of political communication in Brazilian history. Finally, the Barack Obama campaign was used as case study to analyze and understand the Internet as an election tool. From this, it was possible to identify, the real innovation brought by this media to the electoral communication culture / Em um contexto de uso de diversas ferramentas para comunicação eleitoral, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir e analisar as características da Internet como um novo meio de comunicação para propaganda política e eleitoral. Para que fosse atingido este objetivo, foi elaborada uma argumentação de Psicologia Social para que fossem compreendidos os aspectos humanos e sociológicos da relação entre o público receptor de mensagens políticas e os emissores de tais mensagens. Em um segundo momento foi realizado uma análise da Internet como meio de comunicação, dando devida atenção à suas características essenciais para evidenciar que o ambiente virtual é, efetivamente, uma nova mídia capaz de carregar mensagens políticas. Com o intuito de compreender o uso de ferramentas de comunicação para fins eleitorais, foi feita uma pesquisa bibliográfica sobre as diferentes formas de comunicação política na história brasileira. Por fim, a campanha de Barack Obama foi utilizada como estudo de caso para se analisar e compreender o uso da Internet como ferramenta de campanha eleitoral sendo possível identificar, no caso estudado, a real inovação trazida para este meio para o que se conhece de cultura de comunicação eleitoral

The presented diploma thesis deals with the issue of American immigration policy, with emphasis on the immigration policies of the two former US presidents - George W. Bush and Barack Obama, and their comparison. The main purpose of this thesis is to answer the question, why their comprehensive immigration reform plans failed. KEYWORDS US; Immigration; Immigration Policies; George W. Bush; Barack Obama

Análisis histórico-reflexivo y comparativo sobre la política exterior de los Estados Unidos hacia el mundo desde la época de la Guerra Fría hasta la actualidad. En particular, se enfatizan las características esenciales del gobierno demócrata de Barack Obama (2009-2017) y el actual, republicano, presidido por Donald Trump a los fines de resaltar sus diferencias e impacto tanto en política doméstica como en el ámbito internacional. La charla concluye con algunas reflexiones sobre las políticas domésticas e internacionales del Presidente Trump a la luz del COVID19 y su posible impacto en las elecciones presidenciales de noviembre próximo. / Oliver Griffith: Diplomático estadounidense retirado, con amplia experiencia en Europa, África y Latinoamérica. Experto en comunicación, miembro y director de la Cámara americana de Comercio en Francia y actualmente Director de la consultora Diplomatic Writing Service.

Il s'agit d'analyser un corpus de 32 discours du président Obama en anglais abordant la question de l'environnement et la réception de ceux-ci dans 125 articles de presse européenne francophone afin de mettre à jour les particularismes discursifs des deux corpora et d'étudier la circulation des discours. / This PhD study deals with the analysis of 32 speeches delivered by President Obama and their reception in 125 articles published in the French-speaking European press to understand some discursive particularities and to study the criculation of words, lexical items and speeches.

Thesis advisor: Timothy Crawford / This thesis focuses on United States civil-military relations during the first decade of the twenty-first century. It examines interactions between principal-level civilian and top-tier military leadership during three strategic decision-making moments. Each case involves examples of subjective civilian control. The author's goal is to investigate and then categorize the processes that were used, assessing how variables influenced the nature of subjective control. Qualitative process tracing is the primary methodology. The author focuses on available sources from myriad avenues including but not limited to journalism, memoirs, primary documents, and social science literature. Case study analysis identifies numerous variables. Presidential leadership and process organization were found to be the most influential, spanning from engaged to "delegatory" and orderly to ad-hoc, respectively. Correlations are identified between the variables. Then, theories from established literature are reviewed and applied when possible. Research finds that subjective civil-military relations became increasingly moderate and theoretically "pure" over each case, chronologically. The author uses his analysis to create new typologies of subjective civil-military control, focusing on the relationships between presidential leadership and process organization. The resulting typologies are intended to assist political scientists' identification and categorization of varying civil-military relationships on the subjective end of Huntington's spectrum. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

<p>Rhetoric and politics have been interrelated through time. Major political leaders have tried to influence their followers through well-organized and well-written political speeches since the Roman Empire and Byzantium. As one of the original writers of rhetoric, Aristotle referred to it as the art of finding the best aspect of an argument that tends to convince the audience. In my thesis, I analyze and compare the rhetoric of President George W. Bush with that of President Barack Obama. Specifically, I compare and contrast their respective State of the Union Addresses. The questions that I want to answer lay upon the methods both Presidents use during their respective speeches. My thesis also discusses their respective prioritized topics. I give a short presentation of the importance of rhetoric, ranging from the Roman Empire to today‟s American politics. I also comment on the meaning of rhetoric in the modern age. In order to perform my analysis, I use the five stage method of rhetorical analysis: Context, Disposition, Means to convince, Argumentation Analysis and Style. The different argument styles of President Bush and President Obama are discussed.</p>

The 2008 election of Barack Obama to the United States’ presidency is an undeniable historical landmark demonstrating progress in race relations; however, it has yet to be determined how the election affects the way in which racial minorities are viewed and whether Obama’s presidency will advance their societal position. Despite some claims that the election signifies the existence of a post-racial nation, recent social (Harlow 2008; Hunt and Wilson 2009; Parker, Sawyer, Towler 2009; Tesler 2010), psychological (Effron, Cameron, and Monin 2009; Eibach, and Purdie-Vaughns 2009; Kaiser et al. 2009), political (Piston 2001; Huddy and Feldman 2009; Redlawsk, Tolbert, and Franco 2010), economic (Jacobson 2010; Lewis-Beck and Tien (2009) and legal (Nelson 2009; Troutt 2009) research predicts that the election will have little effect, or potentially a negative impact, on efforts to achieve racial parity in America. To assess what President Obama’s election means for American race relations, this study examines multiple measures of prejudice among Whites as predictors of their support for racial equality. Using data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), I examine different forms of racism, and the extent to which they influence Whites’ support of government policies that promote racial equality. The focal independent variable, racial ideology, is measured by old-fashioned racism, systemic racism, symbolic racism, laissez-faire racism, and color-blind racism. The focal dependent variable, race-based policy preferences, is measured through support for government policies which promote racial equity in education and employment contexts. Factor analysis is used to identify how Whites’ feelings towards Obama, reaction to Obama’s election victory, feelings towards Blacks, outlook on black presidents in general, and beliefs concerning political power differentials between Blacks and Whites relate to different theoretical racial ideologies. Racial orientations that are indicated by measured variables then serve as focal independent variables in multiple regression analysis to predict the focal outcome variables concerning support for policies that foster racial equality. Factor analysis and regression analysis are conducted with pre-election, post-election, and recent data in order to assess change in Whites’ racial attitudes and policy preferences at various points in time. Results from the analysis suggest differences before and after the election in terms of racist ideology and support for programs that benefit racial minorities. Whites are now less likely to agree with the implementation of affirmative action and government policy supporting racial equality. Systemic and color-blind racist ideologies are the strongest predictors of opposition to race-based policy. Furthermore, it seems antiracist ideology has diminished since President Obama was elected. These findings are consistent with sociological and political research that suggests Whites’ opposition to racial policies and black candidates is often more influenced by symbolic racism than by realistic self-interest (Sears and Henry 2003) and confirms predictions (Bonilla-Silva and Ray 2009; Metzler 2010) that Obama’s presidency coupled with new forms of racism, such as color-blind racism, may serve to negatively affect racial equality in the United States.