The primary aim of the present study is to give a semantic/conceptual analysis to the genitive case in Old English (= OE) within a Cognitive Grammar (=CG) framework (specifically Langacker's version; Langacker 1987, 1991) and explain the diversity of its use (adnominal, adverbal, adjectival, prepositional, and adverbial), as constituting a coherent network, wherein all variants share a unified semantic structure. My analysis is partly based on Roman Jakobson's (1936/1971) study on the Russian case system, which is recast and updated within a CG framework. Pivotal to my analysis of the semantic structure of the genitive case is the notion of "deprofile", whereby an already profiled (i.e. most prominent) entity in a given predicate becomes unprofiled, to reduce the amount of attention drawn onto the designatum, making it conceptually less prominent. Specifically, the function of the genitive case in OE is to deprofile the profile of the nominal predicate to which the genitive inflection is attached. The crucial claim is that a genitive nominal is a nominal predicate, in that it still profiles a region in some domain, in accordance with the schematic characterisation of the semantic structure of a noun in CG. The nominal character of a genitive nominal means that it can occur in various syntactic contexts where any other nominal expression can occur, namely in a position for a verbal, adverbial, and prepositional complement, as well as in a modifier/complement position for a noun. This account ties in with the subsequent history of the genitive case after the end of the OE period, in which some of its uses became obsolete, especially the partitive function of adnominal genitive, and all functions of the adverbal, adjectival, prepositional genitives. The cumulative effect of this is that a genitive nominal ceased to be a nominal predicate, and its determinative character which had already existed in OE side by side with its nominal character, became grammaticalised during the ME period as a general function of a genitive nominal. Chapter l outlines the history of the genitive case from OE to early ME, to introduce the problems to be dealt with in this dissertation, particularly the diversity of the genitive functions. Reviews of some previous studies relevant to the problems are also provided. Chapter 2 and 3 introduce the framework of CG. Chapter 2 summarises some basic assumptions about grammar, and Chapter 3 focuses on how syntactic issues are dealt with in CG, based on the assumptions summarised in Chapter 2. Here I also introduce Langacker's (1991) and Taylor's (1996) account of a Present Day English possessive construction, using Langacker's reference point analysis, and examine its applicability to the OE genitive. As an alternative, the notion of deprofile will be introduced. Chapters 4 and 5 are the application to the actual examples of genitive nominals, taken from Ælfric's Catholic Homilies first series; Chapter 4 deals with adnominal genitive, and chapter 5 covers all the non-adnominal genitives. Finally, Chapter 6 discusses how the diversity of the genitive functions in OE and its subsequent history may be accounted for in the light of the findings in this study.

The dissertation deals with the Överkalix dialect in three respects. Överkalix is the northernmost community of the country where Swedish dialect is spoken. It is surrounded on the east and the north by Finnish, and on the west by Finnish and Saami. The first section of the thesis is based on a questionnaire survey among all junior high school students (14-16 years old) in Överkalix and among their parents. It discusses the present-day position of the Överkalix dialect and the attitudes of the people of Överkalix toward the dialect. The results indicate that the people who consider themselves to be speakers of the local dialect have access to two language codes: local dialect and standard Swedish. Personal relationship is the deciding factor in language code choice. None of the parents considers himself/herself to be dialectally monolingual: 11% speak only standard Swedish, 75% keep the varieties apart and are thus bidialectal. 77% of the dialect-speaking students and 69% of those who do not speak dialect have a positive attitude toward the dialect, boys to a greater extent than girls among the dialect-speaking, and girls to a greater extent than boys among non-dialect speakers. The second section examines interference from the surrounding languages, Finnish and Saami, in the Överkalix dialect in general and in the Överkalix dialect of multilingual informantsin particular. These informants speak standard Swedish, dialect, Finnish and/or Saami. The main data of this section originates from recorded interviews performed as informal conversations. The author discusses some characteristic phonetic features in the dialect which seem to be the result of influence from Saami and/or Finnish. The material also shows a number of influences on the syntactic level. The third section describes how the genitive is expressed in the dialect of Överkalix. The author gives several examples of how the -s genitive is paraphrased—most commonly with a prepostion. / <p>Eftertryck av doktorsavhandling framlagd vid Uppsala universitet 1990.</p>

This study addresses the question of the mental representation and processing of language by investigating &ldquo / structural priming&rdquo / in Turkish Genitive-Possessive (GEN-POSS) constructions. Structural priming is the facilitating effect of having already experienced a structural form on its subsequent processing. We investigate this phenomenon on a construction pair in Turkish, which shares the same external GEN-POSS morpho-syntactic template despite having distinct grammatical categories. The structures under scrutiny are possessive noun phrases (e.g. &ldquo / Korsan, [prenses-in(GEN) &ouml / yk&uuml / -s&uuml / n(POSS.3SG)]-&uuml / hatirladi.&rdquo / which means: The pirate remembered [the princess&rsquo / s story].) and embedded noun clauses with nominalized verbs as predicates (e.g. &ldquo / Korsan, [prenses-in(GEN) g&uuml / l-d&uuml / g(VN)-&uuml / n(POSS.3SG)]-&uuml / hatirladi.&rdquo / which means: The pirate remembered [that the princess (had) laughed/was laughing].) The results of the study which consists of a series of production and comprehension experiments with various methodologies (written sentence completion, self-paced reading and eye-tracking) indicate that structural priming might access the morphosyntactic level of representation in Turkish. Priming seems sensitive to the distinction between the phrasal vs. clausal nature of structures. During the processing of GEN-POSS constructions, the grammatical information regarding the constituents is accessed. Complex forms are further decomposed if processing resources are available. Overall, language production and comprehension seem to operate on the same structural representations but through different mechanisms. In addition, the study also contributes to the understanding of structural priming as a methodological paradigm and to the establishment of a bridge between the processing and theoretical linguistic analysis of Turkish nominalized verbs. To conclude, this study pioneers in exploring structural priming in Turkish and opens way to future research in this line.

No description available.

This thesis is concerned with adult L1 attrition in the case of highly-educated long-term Polish immigrants in Sweden. The study sheds light on two classical issues pertaining to L1 attrition, namely what happens to a fully developed mature language system in an immigrant context, and why it happens. Specifically we aim to answer the following questions: (1) Are Polish speakers in Sweden different from comparable individuals in Poland with respect to (i) judgement and use of a number of Polish linguistic features (se keywords below), and (ii) hesitation phenomena, i.e. ability to be quick and easy and linguistic insecurity? (2) Is the variation in linguistic results dependent on how often and in what context the Polish language is used and/or which attitudes the individuals have towards it as well as how long they have been living in Sweden? One of the main contributions of the study regards methodology. The data is analysed in three steps: an initial focus on group comparisons shifts to the analysis of individual results in relation to the variation observed in the comparison group, and finally to a holistic view of the attrition effects or their absence. It is suggested that in studies on adult L1 attrition, where the effects are expected to be relatively cosmetic, the range of the linguistic behaviour in the comparison group as a reference point as well as a holistic perspective on individual results gives a more truthful picture of the attrition process. In addition the study shows that attrition effects are present in some individuals (60 %) to a different degree. The most common effect overall is linguistic insecurity followed by the overuse of 1st person pronouns as explicit subjects and to a lesser degree by the overuse of 3rd person pronouns. Surprisingly there is a scanty effect on the other hesitation phenomenon, i.e. the ability to be quick and easy. No or limited effects are observed in other structural areas which basically supports previous findings on L1 adult attrition. Finally, the presence versus absence of the attrition effect can not be straightforwardly related either to language use, attitudes or length of residence, with one exception being linguistic insecurity.

This quantitative corpus study discusses and compares the distribution of the inflected genitive (’s- or zero-genitive) with that of the of-construction in East African, Indian, American and British English using data collected from the ICE-EA, ICE-IND, Frown and FLOB corpora. This study also discusses the semantic categories of the inflected genitive in the varieties mentioned. The first conclusion of the study is that the distribution of tokens according to semantic categories is similar in all varieties examined. Furthermore, it is concluded for the modifier classes that animateness-biased classes are more common with the inflected genitive, while inanimateness-biased classes are more common with the of-construction; this distribution is similar in all varieties.

Ce travail a pour objectif de décrire et de classer les emplois du génitif à partir des textes publiés en tokharien A et en tokharien B. La description synchronique des emplois du génitif, qui constitue en quelque sorte une syntaxe normative de ce cas, conduit à des comparaisons avec des faits syntaxiques connus à partir d'autres langues indo-européennes (en particulier les langues dites « classiques », sanskrit, latin et grec), et place également cette étude dans une perspective comparatiste, et typologique. Le génitif tokharien est étudié dans ses trois emplois : adnominal, adverbal et régi par une adposition (pré- ou postposition). Le génitif adnominal présente les mêmes valeurs que le génitif reconstruit classiquement pour l'indo-européen ; on met cependant en lumière sa particularité à ne transposer qu'un élément sujet lorsqu'il est génitif de procès, et ses critères de commutation ou de distribution complémentaire avec l'adjectif dérivé. Le génitif adverbal présente des emplois qui sont exprimés dans d’autres langues indo-européennes par le datif, alors que l’inventaire des cas tokhariens ne comporte pas de datif. On envisage donc l’hypothèse d’un syncrétisme entre génitif et datif. L'étude du génitif régi par une adposition met en lumière le fait que, malgré la refonte du système casuel en tokharien, certaines formes adverbiales ou schémas de formation sont hérités. Dans l'ensemble de cette étude, on tient compte des paramètres qui sont propres au tokharien telle l'influence de la syntaxe sanskrite sur celle du tokharien (la plupart des textes bouddhiques étant traduits ou adaptés d’originaux sanskrits). / The purpose of this study is the description and classification of the uses of the genitives attested in the Tocharian A and B published texts. A second purpose is comparison : the synchronic description of the genitive (a normative syntax of this case) is compared to the syntax of other Indo-European languages (so-called “classical languages”, such a Sanskrit, Latin and Greek). Three uses of the Tocharian genitive are investigated: the adnominal genitive, the adverbal genitive and the genitive after and adposition (pre- or postposition). The adnominal genitive behaves the same as the (traditionally reconstructed) Indo-European génitive. Nonetheless we emphasize two things : firstly, the Tocharian genitive cannot transpose a verbal phrase [vb + direct object] into a noun phrase. Secondly, very precise criteria rule the competency between genitive and derived adjectives. The uses of the Tocharian adverbal genitive are assumed by the dative in other Indo-European languages. The hypothesis of a syncretism is thus proposed. The study of the genitive after and adposition shows that some adverbial terms or some methods of forming are inherited. In the whole study, one always considers specific parameters of the Tocharian languages, which syntax is widely influenced by Sanskrit, as most part of the Tocharian material is translated from Sanskrit.

Das Hauptgewicht der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt auf dem reinen Flexionskasus Genitiv und der Beschreibung der Satzgliedfunktionen und der semantischen Funktionen des Genitivs in deutscher und litauischer Sprache. / Pagrindinis dėmesys šiame darbe yra skiriamas kilmininko linsniui be prielinksnių ir jo sintaksinių ir semantinių funkcijų aprašymui vokiečių ir lietuvių kalbose. / The main significance of this paper is attached to the Genitive without the prepositions and the description of its syntactical and semantic functions in German and Lithuanian.

The comparative method of variationist sociolinguistics has demonstrated that frequency changes are not reliable determinants of whether grammatical change is taking place. Frequency changes can be the result of extra-linguistic register changes, changes within the underlying grammar, or a combination (Szmrecsanyi, 2011; Tagliamonte, 2002). This work examines two variables known to vary along the written-to-spoken continuum — relative clause pronouns, and the genitive construction — across three registers of English and 100 years, with the goal of furthering our understanding of the relationship between spoken and written language. The s-genitive (i.e. Canada's government vs. the government of Canada) is on the rise in the 20th century (Hinrichs and Szmrecsanyi, 2007; Rosenbach, 2007). Statistical modeling confirms the press register leads this increase — a register change. Examination of internal linguistic constraints over time indicates simultaneous grammatical change, with the s–genitive increasing with certain inanimate subtypes. The WH-forms (who, which) of the relative pronouns have become increasingly restricted to written registers (e.g. Romaine, 1982; Tottie, 1997), leaving that as the variant used most for subject function in vernacular speech (D'Arcy and Tagliamonte 2010). Although who continues to be used for animates, which is shown to have lost any grammatical conditioning that it once had and to be undergoing lexical replacement by that for non-human subject antecedents. Unlike the genitives, though, examination of internal linguistic factors reveals no evidence of grammatical change. The methodology employed here provides a way to tease apart grammatical change from register change, with register-internal change shown to be a motivating factor in change from above. While the vernacular is ''the most systematic data for our analysis of linguistic structure'' (Labov, 1972a:208), it is not necessarily the most innovative, nor is it always the locus of change. With that in mind, this work provides a model of language change that integrates change across speech and writing.

The comparative method of variationist sociolinguistics has demonstrated that frequency changes are not reliable determinants of whether grammatical change is taking place. Frequency changes can be the result of extra-linguistic register changes, changes within the underlying grammar, or a combination (Szmrecsanyi, 2011; Tagliamonte, 2002). This work examines two variables known to vary along the written-to-spoken continuum — relative clause pronouns, and the genitive construction — across three registers of English and 100 years, with the goal of furthering our understanding of the relationship between spoken and written language. The s-genitive (i.e. Canada's government vs. the government of Canada) is on the rise in the 20th century (Hinrichs and Szmrecsanyi, 2007; Rosenbach, 2007). Statistical modeling confirms the press register leads this increase — a register change. Examination of internal linguistic constraints over time indicates simultaneous grammatical change, with the s–genitive increasing with certain inanimate subtypes. The WH-forms (who, which) of the relative pronouns have become increasingly restricted to written registers (e.g. Romaine, 1982; Tottie, 1997), leaving that as the variant used most for subject function in vernacular speech (D'Arcy and Tagliamonte 2010). Although who continues to be used for animates, which is shown to have lost any grammatical conditioning that it once had and to be undergoing lexical replacement by that for non-human subject antecedents. Unlike the genitives, though, examination of internal linguistic factors reveals no evidence of grammatical change. The methodology employed here provides a way to tease apart grammatical change from register change, with register-internal change shown to be a motivating factor in change from above. While the vernacular is ''the most systematic data for our analysis of linguistic structure'' (Labov, 1972a:208), it is not necessarily the most innovative, nor is it always the locus of change. With that in mind, this work provides a model of language change that integrates change across speech and writing.