No description available.

This thesis examines the involvement of the French Freemason movement in the Resistance during the Occupation of France by the Germans 1939-1945, its relationship with the Vichy government and the effect the 'Nouvelle Révolution' had on the lives of individual Masons. To set the scene and to put the role of Freemasonry into perspective in the life of France and the French political system, the origins of French Freemasonry are examined and explained. The main French Masonic obediences are discussed and the differences between them emphasised. The particular attributes of a Freemason are described and the ideals and ethos of the Order is discussed. From its earliest days, Freemasonry has often been persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church or by extreme Right-wing movements. The history of this persecution is reviewed and the reasons for its persistence noted, with especial emphasis on the treatment of Freemasons under the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany. The fate of Freemasonry in countries under German control is also briefly examined. With the occupation of France by the Germans, the differences and similarities of the treatment of French and German Freemasons are discussed. The processes and legislation of this ban are closely examined and the part played by the Vichy government in the persecution of French Freemasonry is discussed. The effects of this persecution and the consequences for individuals are examined and the Freemason's role in the emerging Resistance movement is reviewed. The contribution of many lodges to the Resistance movement is examined and the sacrifice of many Freemasons for their ideals is emphasised.

No description available.

L’étude, principalement centrée sur la région parisienne, se propose d’étudier les continuités et les ruptures dans l’anticommunisme d’Etat entre l’été 1939 et la fin de 1942. Edouard Daladier se propose d’éradiquer le PCF de la société française par la dissolution des organisations communistes (26 septembre 1939) et l’internement administratif (18 novembre 1939), supports d’une répression multiforme aggravée par son successeur Paul Reynaud (décret Sérol 12 avril 1940).Après juin 1940, les Allemands imposent d’abord leur propre législation répressive, puis la continuité est rétablie dès l’automne 1940, les occupants trouvant avantage à transférer la répression anticommuniste aux autorités françaises sur le fondement de la législation nationale, sous leur surveillance très attentive.A la suite de l’invasion de l’Union soviétique le 22 juin 1941, ils procèdent d’emblée à une vaste opération préventive d’internement des communistes. Les actions armées communistes les incitent d’une part à exhorter le gouvernement de Vichy à aggraver la répression, ce qu’il fait par l’institution de tribunaux d’exception, d’autre part à appliquer aux communistes une répression qui leur est propre : fusillades par suite de condamnations à mort par leurs tribunaux militaires et exécutions d’otages. Le partage des tâches initial est brouillé par l’intervention contre les communistes des deux circuits répressifs distincts. La répression anticommuniste est associée un temps par les Allemands à la persécution antisémite dans la catégorie du « judéo-bolchévisme », avant que la politique de persécution anti-juive prenne son autonomie à partir de la mi-juillet 1942. Les autorités vichistes se plaignent ponctuellement de l’empiétement des Allemands dans la répression anticommuniste, mais la collaboration des polices se poursuit comme auparavant.Après une redistribution des pouvoirs au printemps 1942, les négociations entre autorités allemandes et françaises aboutissent fin juillet 1942 à renouer officiellement avec le partage des tâches antérieur. La répression des communistes est normalement confiée aux autorités françaises, à l’exception des auteurs d’actes dirigés directement contre les occupants, mais en pratique les Allemands se saisissent de qui ils souhaitent. Après une interruption de deux mois et demi, ils reprennent les exécutions d’otages en août et septembre 1942, puis ils l’interrompent à cette date en prenant acte de son caractère contre-productif. Pour sa part, la police française fait montre de son efficacité aux yeux des occupants en obtenant d’importants succès dans la lutte contre les communistes, démantelant régulièrement leurs organisations tant en matière d’action politique que d’action armée, sans pour autant réussir à les éradiquer.L’étude précise de l’anticommunisme d’Etat se termine à la fin de 1942, quand l’invasion de la zone sud ouvre une nouvelle période qui étend les enjeux de l’Occupation à l’ensemble du territoire national, mais quelques indications sont données sur le devenir des années suivantes : basculement de l’opinion française à l’été 1943, déchainement de la violence des occupants appuyée par un l’Etat français milicien entièrement à son service en 1944, alors qu’à la base certains policiers et magistrats commencent à se mettre en retrait..Au-delà des vicissitudes des événements : occupation du pays et changement de régime politique en juin-juillet 1940, invasion de l’Union soviétique et déclanchement de la lutte armée à l’été 1941, les ruptures dans l’histoire de la France ne se traduisent pas par des ruptures durables dans l’anticommunisme d’Etat, renforcé néanmoins par l’intervention d’un double circuit répressif à partir de l’été 1941 et la radicalisation progressive de la répression, mais fondamentalement appuyée sur la législation établie à la fin de la IIIe République dans une continuité toujours revendiquée par Vichy avec l’autorisation des occupants. / No abstract

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / The present study deals with the relations of the Netherlands "London" Government with the German-occupied territory during World War II. The writer begins with the postulate that the London Government might be expected to provide in some measure for the maintenance of domestic order, for the welfare and safety of its citizens in the occupied territory; that it would be able to maintain communications with that territory; to serve as a focus for national unity; and to maintain its existence in order to assume authority at the time of liberation. Owing to the nature of the german occupation, the London Government could neither directly engage in "remote" administration nor provide directly for the welfare and safety of its citizens. A single major exception appears in an effective railway strike ordered by the London Government [TRUNCATED]

No description available.

During the years 1940-1944, the period of the German Occupation, French women played an active role in the political sphere as part of the organized Resistance movements. The women who participated were not isolated examples, but an extremely diverse group that cut across social milieux, political alignments and religious persuasions. The range of their activity in the spectrum of roles and the differences in their style challenge the stereotypes and persistent attitudes in French culture about women’s nature. Women were leaders in the principal Resistance movements, participated in the organization and dissemination of the underground press and in the organization of the networks of passage. Their role was crucial in liaison activity. With ingenuity and resourcefulness, women, as women, made their own unique contributions to the Resistance movements. Those who were arrested and deported continued their resistance, even in prison and in the all-women’s concentration camp, Ravensbruck. I have attempted to place the women, Resistants in the context of the social history of the period. Under the collaborationist Vichy government, the domestic policy of France moved in a direction that reinforced and sharpened the most conservative attitudes towards women's role. Some of the effects of Vichy policy carried over to the post-war period, and were built into the social policy of the Fourth Republic. I have considered two models used by American sociologists and social historians to evaluate the effects of social crisis on women's roles. My purpose in so doing is not to compare the role and status of French women with that of American and British women, but merely to test whether the hypotheses are applicable to the situation of French women in the political sphere. I have used the underground press and témoignages (first-hand reports) assembled and published by women's committees. I have examined documents at the Bibliothẽque Marguerite Durand in Paris, and at the Muśee de l’Histoire Vivante at Montreuil. I have talked to women who actively participated in the Resistance movements. In addition, I have used published Resistance histories, both regional and general.

This thesis comprises a study of the inscription of father, son, and daughter figures in French films of the 1930s and of the Occupation. Using the tool of Lacanian psychoanalytic theory, Part One looks at the inscription of patriarchy and the positions allotted within it to mature men, young men and young women in classic poetic-realist texts and run-of-the-mill productions of the 1930s, in order to identify the latent collective tensions in the society of that period. Part Two compares the inscription of father, son and daughter figures, together with certain stylistic features and themes, in a variety of films of the Occupation with the paradigm derived from the foregoing analysis, in order to qualify the widely held view that French films changed little between 1929 and 1945.

The personal archive of Dr Alfred Huhnhäuser (1885-1950), a German civil servant, is examined with regard to this thesis. The archive consists of an unfinished personal memoir, Aus einem reichen Leben, five chapters of a political memoir concerning Huhnhäuser's time in Norway during the German occupation, publications edited by Huhnhäuser and other personal documents. A full catalogue of the contents of the archive has been included in this thesis. An attempt has been made to identify the significance of the Huhnhäuser archive within a literary framework and, therefore, a brief analysis of the study of autobiographical writings has been undertaken. The importance of the archive within the context of social history has also been stressed, for Huhnhäuser was an "ordinary" German and not one of the Great and the Good. The personal memoirs operate on three levels - personal, worldstage and cultural- and extracts from the archive have been used to illustrate this. A brief historical summary of events in Norway prior to and immediately after the German occupation is given in order to place the events described by Huhnhäuser in context. The contents of the personal and political memoirs are summarized and analyzed in this thesis. Recurring themes are identified and examined. Perhaps the most significant is Huhnhäuser's repeated claim that he is an inherently ''unpolitisches We sen". Evidence has been obtained from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin which proves that Huhnhäuser joined the NSDAP on 1 May 1933. Huhnhäuser does not refer in the memoirs to his membership of this party, claiming instead that he has never voluntarily been involved in party politics. A second volume of materials has been included in this thesis in order to provide more detailed information as regards to the composition and contents of the archive. Extracts from the memoirs and letters have also been selected.

The French government under Philippe Petain, based at Vichy, simultaneously collaborated with the Germans and promoted French patriotism. French artists and designers produced an abundance of posters, paintings, sculptures and other objets d'art, examples of which are included here, to promote the values of the "new order." Although Christian symbols were common, fascist symbols among the mass-produced images support the idea that the Vichy regime was not merely authoritarian, but parafascist. / The fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.