Texte remanié de: Diss. Ph. D.--Deutschen Seminar--Universität Durham, 2001. Titre de soutenance : Migrants and internees : Germans in Glasgow, 1864-1918. / Bibliogr. p. 304-314. Index.

Despite the impression of stability and placidity which is conveyed by the virtually uninterrupted Liberal monopoly of its parliamentary representation between 1846 and 1886, Glasgow presents a useful case study of the interaction of political ideas and behaviour with socio-economic movements and institutions in mid-Victorian Britain especially as it was the second largest city. Class was not the basis of political allegiance, and indeed relations between the social classes were generally harmonious. Nevertheless, the economic foundations of the city were transformed after about 1860 with the decline of the textile industry and the rise of heavy engineering, shipbuilding and metal manufacturing sectors, and this shift created important social changes. As a rule, too, economic interests groups were not politically homogeneous, but there is evidence that religious issues provided a significant, (though not definitive), factor in shaping political allegiances. The Glasgow Liberal party consisted of three broad strands: the Whigs, the Dissenting Radicals and the working-class Lib-Labs. Each espoused distinctive facets of Liberalism: the upper-class Whigs, the historic traditions of reform; the more middle-class Radicals, an evangelical interest in temperance, disestablishment and social regeneration based on Christian principles; the Lib-Labs, the political, social and intellectual elevation of the common man. Yet while there was no monolithic unity here, there were wide areas of shared doctrine - free trade and, above all, the commitment to constitutional and political advance - which acted to bind them closely together. Thus, while important social changes occurred to produce alterations in the relative strength of the factions, any fissiparous tendencies could be contained within the framework of common ideals. The Conservatives put no emphasis on such social or economic issues as social reform or tariff reform, but rather appealed to the strong ultra-Protestant sentiments prevalent in Glasgow. This was typified by the party's semi-official liaison with the Orange Order. In addition the Tories also began in this era to establish themselves as the patriotic party. Neither party organisation was active in dealing with technical matters like registration, but each played a different role in promoting their party's prospects. As befitted a minority party, the Conservative Association strove to sustain the spirits of the converted and to propagandise others. The Liberal body in contrast served as a vehicle whereby the various factions sought to secure control over the choice of candidates or to win endorsement for their sectional credos. Hence a powerful caucus emerged, manipulating the mass Liberal movement in order to legitimise the demands of faction. Before 1886, the solidarity of the two major parties left the sizeable Irish element unable to deploy its voting power in order to wring concessions from either. The difficulties of the Irish nationalists were further compounded by a series of obstacles encountered both within their own community and amongst non-Irish Glaswegians. Socialism, too, was powerless, for it only attracted a handful of lower-middle-class young intellectuals, who failed to dent the massive loyalty displayed by the working-classes to Liberalism. At the time, the Home Rule split of 1886 did not appear an irreparable breach and only in retrospect did it take on the semblance of finality. It was not the culmination of a long succession of policy divergences among Liberals leading inevitably to a rupture, nor did it create a class-based realignment of politics. The issue was argued between protagonists as a genuine disagreement over the principles of Liberalism, and only very gradually did the position adopted by the Liberal Unionists harden into one of permanent opposition to the Gladstonian Liberal party, before which there were numerous re-conversions to the latter. However, the mould in which mid-Victorian politics in Glasgow had been set was shattered.

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Most of the people in Western Europe and North America live in towns. One hundred and fifty years ago only one person in five, in Britain, and one in twenty-five in the U.S.A. lived in urban settlements. The growth of the modern town dates from the Industrial Revolution and was accelerated by improvements in transportation systems, which have allowed it to extend its influence over an ever growing area. A large number of the social problems facing society today arise within the context of the urban area. High density living, traffic congestion, and noise, are all aspects of consumption externalities or social costs. Local markets in imbalance characterise a large number of urban areas. The disequilibrium of local housing markets, local labour markets, and local product markets is a common feature of a large number of modern towns and cities. Very little, however, is ever said by the economist about the imbalances in the public sector of urban areas. Individuals complain about poor housing standards, poor educational facilities, poor health and welfare services and the problems of crime in cities. The rate-payers' or local taxpayers' revolution, which is frequently reported, testifies to the importance of the local public sector. This thesis attempts to redress the imbalance. Local government expenditures (excluding debt interest) accounted for 16% of GNP in 1970. This figure compares with 3.4% in 1890 and 9.6% in 1950. As a proportion of total public expenditure local government expenditures were 24.8% of the total in 1950 and 34.7% in 1970. In 1970,10% of the working population of the U.K. were employed by local governments. Local government has been one of the fastest growing sectors of the U. K. economy in the post war period. However, it is a sector of the U.K. economy which has escaped, almost entirely, the interest of the economist, even although it is such an important allocator of the nation's resources. Gramlich (97) makes the point clearly in the context of the U.S.A.: - "The recent spate of large econometric models has probed into many previously unexplored corners of the United States' economy. But there is one sector still relatively untouched by the model builders and strangely enough, it is a sector which today is generating some of the most heated political controversy - that of state and local governments." (p 163).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This is a chronological study of the use of symbolism in all of the novels of Ellen Glasgow and also in the unpublished novella "Beyond Defeat," with special attention to the major works. In it, I have examined imagery, characters, actions, setting, style and form for symbolic significance, showing how these help establish or reinforce themes, create moods, or provide insight into the minds and emotions of the characters. Besides revealing that Miss Glasgow consciously employed symbolism throughout her writing career, this study also shows the continuing development of certain themes and certain related symbolic patterns. / 2031-01-01

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This thesis analyses representations of the city of Glasgow in visual culture. Given the absence of any coherent study of Glasgow images the primary method is empirical. The thesis explores how the dynamic of change in the urban environment has been rendered in visual media by gathering together paintings, photographs, prints and journal illustrations. In order to contextualise the visual material within the social and historical circumstances that affect its character, this material is considered in relation to pertinent history and theory. Consequently, the disciplines of social and economic history, sociology, philosophy and urban studies are employed. The developing discourse of the city as a visual phenomenon is charted in a broadly chronological manner. Rather than a simplistic historical narrative, this highlights the unfolding connections between the ambitions of Glasgow's 'governors' and the ideological pattern of related images. The thesis opens by revealing the associations between Enlightenment philosophy and the visual interpretation of the increasingly commercial urban environment. It then analyses changes incurred by the projection of a 'municipal' consciousness and shows how the impact of industrialisation was visualised in relation to prevailing artistic styles. Furthermore, it considers the effect of the aesthetic climate on the creation and reception of urban imagery. The thesis then argues that, after the industrial heyday, there was a sense that the essence of Glasgow lay not in its monuments, but in its populace, particularly the working class. Finally, there is a close study of post-industrial Glasgow, accenting patterns of decline and highlighting resistance to commercially inspired and culturally directed 'official' visions. This thesis finds that there was a complex discourse between Glasgow's material reality and its visual representation. It gives full voice to the network of mediating factors and presents a highly specific case study in the aesthetic manifestation of urban life.