Orientador: Maria Suely Kofes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T00:01:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EstradaMejia_RafaelIgnacio_D.pdf: 4716661 bytes, checksum: 1eb74c79198ded8de9c553845c53a92a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta tese visa analisar o processo de desterritorialização geográfico e existencial, experimentado por viajantes forçados colombianos refugiados nas cidades de São Paulo e Barcelona. A minha hipótese é que este fenômeno obedece a estados de guerra prolongados que na Colômbia se manifestam por meio da existência de domínios territoriais, contra-estatais e paraestatais, que disputam a soberania do Estado e conformam ordens de fato com ambições soberanas. Neles se luta por uma dominação territorial, por uma ordem justa, pela submissão de seus moradores e por uma representação soberana, características que levam a concluir que se trata de guerras pela construção da nação. Desse modo, o encontro com a guerra implica um devir-estrangeiro que emerge ao traspassar as fronteiras nacionais, ao ser submetido a controles migratórios, ao ser contrastado com os cidadãos, ao ser alvo de dispositivos discriminatórios como é caso do uso de estigmas ou estereótipos negativos. Não obstante, a desterritorialização tem provocado as mais variadas resistências, desde as reivindicações ao rebusque. As resistências se expressam de forma impetuosa, sutil, visível ou oculta, configurando o que Scott chama de infrapolítica, Certeau de antidisciplina ou Pécaut de savoir-faire ao qual se recorre em caso de necessidade. Baseado na análise micropolítica proposta por Deleuze e Guattari, sugiro um olhar antropológico que privilegia o occursus (encontro, devir) como via de acesso à alteridade / Abstract: This thesis aims to analyze the geographic and existential deterritorialization process experienced by forced Colombian travelers who have taken refuge in the cities of São Paulo and Barcelona. My hypothesis is that this phenomenon obeys prolonged states of war which in Colombia are characterized by the coexistence of parastatal domains and domains that are occupied by opponents of the government. These domains dispute State sovereignty and impose rules to fulfill sovereign ambitions. There is fight for territorial dominance, state of justice, population submission, and sovereign representation. These characteristics lead to the conclusion that this process consists of a war for the construction of a nation. In this sense, encounter the war implies becoming-foreigner that emerges as national borders are trespassed and the individuals are submitted to migration control, are contrasted with citizens, and become the target of discriminatory devices; e.g., use of stigma and negative stereotypes. Notwithstanding, deterritorialization has evoked various types of resistance, ongoing from vindications to rebusque (resourcefulness). Resistance is expressed in an impetuous, subtle, noticeable, or concealed way, constituting what Scott, Certeau, and Pécaut designate infrapolitics, antidiscipline, or savoir-faire, respectively, which individuals resort to in the event of necessity. On the basis of the micropolitical analysis proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, I suggest an anthropological approach that favors the occursus (encounter, becoming) as a means to achieve alterity / Doutorado / Doutor em Antropologia Social

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This dissertation studies conflict in a hierarchical international system, the British Empire. How did the British Empire respond to violent and nonviolent resistance within its colonies? I develop a theory explaining how and why an imperial metropole becomes involved in and grant concessions to its colonies. Unlike federal nation-states and looser relationship like in an international organization, modern European empires were characterized by selective engagement of the metropole with its peripheral colonies. This has important implications for understanding metropolitan response to peripheral resistance. In contrast to more recent work, I find that violence was more effective at coercing metropolitan concessions to the colonies in the British Empire than nonviolence. I argue that this occurred because violence overwhelmed the capabilities of local colonial governments, and violence commanded metropolitan attention and involvement. This theory is supported with a wide range of data, including yearly measures of anticolonial resistance, every colonial concession made by the British Empire after 1918, daily measures of metropolitan discussions of colonial issues from cabinet archives, and web-scraped casualty data from British death records. In addition, I present in-depth case studies of British responses to resistance in Cyprus and the Gold Coast, along with a conceptual schema of different types of resistance to understand strikes, riots, terrorism, and civil disobedience in a number of other British colonies. My findings show that the effectiveness of resistance is conditional on the political structure that it is embedded in and that hierarchy matters for understanding state responses to resistance.

No description available.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The economic policy of the South African government referred to as the Growth Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) has had a crippling impact on millions of poor and lowincome families in South Africa since its adoption in 1996. The benefits to the minority have not compensated for the increased inequality, uncertainty and poverty that others have experienced (McDonald & Pape, 2002:24). South Africa became the first African state to develop and implement a structural adjustment programme by voluntarily seeking the assistance of the World Bank and the IMF (Bond, 2000a:35). The government’s own statistics reveal that unemployment, which was already high, reached catastrophic levels since 1996 and the poor became significantly poorer (Beuchler, 2002:04). Together with their community leadership, poor people increasingly managed to articulate the link between the increased poverty and hardships they experience and the state’s macro-economic policies. More than a decade into democracy, Mandela Park finds itself under armed assault by the State. Several community members have sacrificed their lives while fighting revolutionary struggles to ensure access to basic services and to remain in the places apartheid confined them. None of them ever thought that the hopes and dreams they harboured while fighting for democracy would be so brutally suppressed by the very government for which they sacrificed their lives. Community organizations such as the Mandela Park Anti-Eviction Campaign (MPAEC) make significant contributions to community empowerment by mobilizing and articulating the voices of the poor and the vulnerable groups in the society to resist the State’s hegemony with regards to service cut-offs and household evictions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ekonomiese beleid van die Suid Afrikaanse regering wat bekend staan as GEAR het n kreupelende uitwerking op miljoene arme en lae-inkomste gesinne in Suid Afrika gehad veral sedert die program in 1996 deur die regering aanvaar is. Die voordele aan ‘n enkele minderheid het nie vergoed vir die toenemde ongelykhede, onsekerhede en armoede wat andere ondervind het nie (McDonald & Pape, 2002:24). Suid Afrika het die eerste Afrika staat geword om n strukturele aanpassingsprogram te ontwikkel en te implementeer deur vrywilliglik die hulp van die Wêreld Bank en die Internasionale Monitêre Fonds te soek (Bond, 2000a:35). Soos die regering se eie statistieke aandui, het werkloosheid wat alreeds hoog is, katastrofiese vlakke bereik terwyl die land se armes merkwaardig armer geword het (Beuchler, 2002:04).Arm mense het tesame met hul gemeenskapleiers toenemend daarin geslaag om die verband tussen hul groeinde armoede en swaarhede, en die regering se makro-ekonomiese beleid te identifiseer. Nou, na meer as ‘n dekade in demokrasie, bevind Mandela Park inwoners hulself onder gewapende aanval deur die staat. Gemeenskapslede het revolusionêre gevegte gestry en hul lewens op die spel geplaas om toegang tot basiese dienste te verseker en te bly in die plekke waar apartheid hulle gevestig het. Niemand het ooit kon dink dat die hoop en drome wat hulle gekoester het terwyl hulle teen apartheid geveg het, so wreed onderdruk sou word deur dieselde regering waarvoor hulle hul lewens opgeoffer het nie. Gemeenskapsorganisasies soos die MPAEC in Mandela Park het ‘n betekenisvolle bydrae gemaak tot die bemagtiging van daardie gemeenskap deur die mobilisasie en artikulasie van die stemme van die arm en kwesbare groepe in die samelewing om weerstand te bied teen die Staat se hegemonie ten opsigte van die beeindiging van dienste en die uitsetting van gesinne uit hul huise.

This thesis describes, classifies, analyzes and evaluates the rhetoric of resistance to forced busing to desegregate the Dallas Independent School District during the 1975-1976 school year. This thesis also applies the characteristics of social, protest and agitational movements to the antibusing movement in Dallas to determine the effectiveness of the resistance rhetoric. The findings of this case study demonstrate that, although the Dallas protesters did not achieve all of their goals, their resistance rhetoric did accomplish specific, effective results. However, this thesis also concludes that, in the American system of government, neither violent nor non-violent resistance can prevent implementation of court-ordered busing.

D.Litt. et Phil. / Non-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / The relationship between governments and the media has historically been an antagonistic one, and investigative journalism – the material manifestation of the role of the press as fourth estate – is central to this antagonism. In their capacity as the fourth estate, those newspapers that pursue and publish investigative journalism stand in opposition to government. Governments have responded to this opposition in a variety of ways; mostly, however, by way of legislated censorship of the press. In South Africa, the legislation that regulated what newspapers could print under apartheid was unusually vast. In spite of this, major exposés of government corruption – and worse – were seen on the front pages of those publications that pursue investigations into political malfeasance. In South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy, with constitutional protection of the freedom of expression, there has been increasing evidence of what Jackson has called the “embedded qualities of intolerance and secrecy” (1993: 164) in the state’s response to revelations of corruption in the press, culminating in the Protection of State Information Bill that was passed in Parliament in November 2011. The passing of the Bill has resulted in widespread concern about the possibility of legislated, apartheid-style censorship of the media and freedom of expression. I interviewed five editors who were part of exposing state corruption during and after apartheid, in order to establish what motivates their decisions to keep on printing stories that brings them into conflict with the political powers of the day, in spite of the financial consequences for their publications. Regardless of the different political landscapes, the strategies that they followed in order to keep on publishing were remarkably similar, as is their reason for continuing to publish investigative stories: they believe it embodies the role of the press in a democracy. Indicators are that editors will keep on publishing, in spite of attempts by the government to gag the press.

Op ’n sonnige Saterdag- oggend op Montagu kom daar ’n gekap en geraas uit ’n groot skuur. In die agter- grond sing ’n vrou ’n op- gewekte deuntjie. Wie werk so hard en so vrolik op ’n Saterdag? En waarom? Toe Ons Leer Mekaar onder- soek gaan instel, het ons die Montagu Skrynwerkers Ko- operatief leer ken - ’n be- sonderse groep mense wat op ’n besondere manier werk. Hulle is ’n span van tien, waar- van vier vroue is. En almal in die span is saam eienaars van die skrynwerkers-besigheid. Maandag-oggende besluit die span wat hulle target vir die week is. "En as ons nie target slaan nie, dan moet ons sit, al is dit Saterdag", vertel Leon de Koker, die produksie- koordineerder. "Jy werk vir jouself, so aan die einde van die dag kan jy nie ’n baas blameer, of se baas waar is my loon nie. Hier moet almal saamtrek. Elke lid deel in die winste van die ko-operatief, maar ook omgekeerd: as ons verliese maak, deel elkeen daar in." Die ko-operatief maak futon- beddens en ses-hoekiae tafels, wat landwyd verkoop word. Futon beddens lyk soos harde plat matrasse wat op die grond oop gegooi word. Die tafels word veral in kantore gebruik, omdat baie tafels in- mekaar pas om ’n groter tafel te maak. Dit word ook trapazoidal tafels genoem. Baie council huise op Montagu het nie elektrisiteit me. Die skrynwerkers verkoop hulle afval-houtjies teen R1 ’n sak vir brandhout. Die semels verkoop hulle aan die boere wat hoenders en perde aanhou. "In die somer noem ons dit die Coke-fonds, die geldjies wat so inkom", se Leon.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2001. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 31, 2007). Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-85).