Abstract With the transformation of the world geopolitics since the collapse of USSR, the international relations theories about borders, cross-border ethnics, and energy politics are increasingly getting important. Meanwhile, there are some doubts about the debate between the land power and sea power based on the theories of the classic geopolitics. Take China for example. It is a nation equipped with land power and sea power, and is moving forward as a great power. Accordingly, my research focuses on the nature of Chinese geopolitics and its thinking on national security from the perspective of the dynamic process of Chinese border and borderland. I hope it can be of help to interpret China¡¦s Grand Strategy. Through the general explorations of geopolitics and national strategy, I intend to prove the arguments: whether China will be a nation with land power and sea power or a nation with only one alternative. Besides, how can China resolve the geopolitical dilemma in the diplomatic practice? In my research, the understanding of historical culture and geography factors should be prior to the thinking on the Chinese geopolitical theory. In the Chinese history, ¡§China¡¨ and ¡§Borderland¡¨ have been integrated with each other during the war times, which have made China expand into the vast territory and border of all time, and have made the national security more stable than at any time since the Opium Wars of 1839-1841. In the 21st century, when China declared its ¡§peaceful rise¡¨ and developed its marine strategies, the so-called ¡§geopolitical dilemma in sea-power and land-power,¡¨ based on the classic theories, would not virtually cause any problem to China. The key is that China¡¦s Grand Strategy always balances with and adjusts to the dynamic world politics. China wins over the advantage of land-border security by announcing the mutual respect and interests to the surrounding states, and practices its ¡§soft power¡¨ through the international institutes. In addition to the military modernization promoted by economic effects, China begins to strive for an ocean strategy. Furthermore, in my opinion, the problem of Xinjing is the biggest threat to the national security inside China. As the cross-border ethnics and ¡§pivot of Asia,¡¨ Xinjing is inclined to be influenced by the outside world. In order to promote the border protection and attack the antiterrorism, China founded the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Xinjing is the biggest province of China and the access to the Central Asia and Europe from China. That¡¦s why Xinjing is called ¡§Eurasian Crossroads.¡¨ As a consequence, Xinjing is deeply affected by the outside world no matter what issues are involved, such as politics, economics, military security, energy, border, and antiterrorism. That¡¦s why China¡¦s national security and Xinjing are closely tied up. My conclusion is that the threat to China¡¦s national security lies not in outside the border but in inside the country. In Chinese history, the diplomatic practices are the reflections on the domestic demands, especially under the principles of the ¡§sovereignty¡¨ and the ¡§unification of territory,¡¨ which form the basis for the formation of ¡§China¡¨ and ¡§Borderland¡¨ in Chinese history, and are also the foundation stone for CCP to maintain its control over the state.

Energy is a critical component of a state’s national security and economic considerations, and beginning in the 20th century, this focus has been acutely centered on oil. Having evolved globally, consisting of well-developed financial markets and maritime and pipeline routes traversing the world, the oil market provides massive amounts of crude to countries on a daily basis. However, not all states simply rely on the market for oil security, and instead take additional steps to secure their respective supplies. Oil supply security is a critical driver for large, consuming states, and merits further study. And, in terms of demand on the global supply, and sheer size, there are two giants that stand out, and deserve a closer look: the United States and China. This research project approaches the task by understanding the grand strategies of both states. Using a grand strategic approach offers key advantages for analysis as both states pursue oil security in a strategic environment, and are forced to account for the various threats to supply, their own capabilities, and their ultimate security objectives. The methodology used is a comparative, focused case study, in order to draw out differences and similarities between these two large consumers, and as a way of further illuminating the oil security approaches of both states, this research generates an oil security rating system using weightings derived from a principal components analysis on multiple countries, among several indicators, over a 22-year period. Ultimately, the aim of this study is to demonstrate in as clear terms as possible, how these states pursue their respective strategies and whether each state may pose a threat to the oil security of the other, now or in the future.

The aim of this work will be to analyze the final phase of the Cold War. The 1980s was an extraordinary period for anyone interested in the history of the Cold War. Not only did the Cold War end or bring their final stages, but even before the 1980s, with a similarly almost unprecedented limitation of tensions between the two major players in the East-West conflict, the US and the Soviet Union. In my diploma thesis I will analyze the basic premises of the "triumphalistic" and "revisionist" schools of the Cold War. Diploma thesis from the concept of "national security approach". The conclusion of the work is that Ronal Reagan has had an impact on the end of the study wars and thus does not apply the conclusions of the "revisionist" school. However, there are no conclusions that apply only to cases where only diplomatic and compromise measures are involved.

(English): The Cold War is a major milestone in world history and the general history of mankind. He created a world order that confirmed Western hegemony over the world for decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the Cold War did not emerge from nothing. It was created by people after World War II (Americans, Russians, British etc.). Since the defeat of Germany was inevitable, the Allies, together with their disputes on individual issues (Iran, Turkey and Greece), began to create a spawn for the next conflict, which we call the Cold War. This struggle for domination over the world lasted for decades and cost many lives in the name of dubious ideas about social engineering, where it is possible to ,,revolutionize" society from above or manage life according to abstract economic calculations. Behind the phrases of progress was the great power desires of people and politicians, emphasized by the individual ideologies of liberal democracy and Stalinist communism.

(English): The Cold War is a major milestone in world history and the general history of mankind. He created a world order that confirmed Western hegemony over the world for decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, the Cold War did not emerge from nothing. It was created by people after World War II (Americans, Russians, British etc.). Since the defeat of Germany was inevitable, the Allies, together with their disputes on individual issues (Iran, Turkey and Greece), began to create a spawn for the next conflict, which we call the Cold War. This struggle for domination over the world lasted for decades and cost many lives in the name of dubious ideas about social engineering, where it is possible to ,,revolutionize" society from above or manage life according to abstract economic calculations. Behind the phrases of progress was the great power desires of people and politicians, emphasized by the individual ideologies of liberal democracy and Stalinist communism.

Teze disertační práce Pracoviště: Institut politologických studií FSV UK Praha Jméno studenta: Hrishabh Sandilya Název disertační práce: The Geopolitical Determinants of India's Central Asia Strategy Školitel: prof. PhDr. Bořivoj Hnízdo, Ph.D. Oponenti: prof. RNDr. Vladimír Baar, CSc.; Mgr. Martin Riegl, Ph.D. Termín a místo obhajoby: FSV UK, 11/2015 Osnova tezí: 1. Abstract 2. Introduction 3. Research Method & Design 4. Contributions to Literature 5. Organization of Chapters 6. Conclusions 7. Selected Bibliography 8. Interviewees 1. Abstract This dissertation aims to identify the drivers and determinants of Indian strategy and policy with regard to the five post-Soviet, Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan within a geopolitical framework. Contemporary scholarship recognizes three determinants (drivers) of Indian strategy in the region - security and strategic necessity, energy diversification given Central Asia's abundant natural resources, and, economic engagement and connectivity. Using this identification as a stepping-stone, the dissertation seeks to rest the validity of these assumptions, and explore these determinants in detail. In addition, it attempts to identify other determinants of Indian strategy, and offers a conceptual framework through which...

After 911 happened,cause the global shocked,not only change the terrorism attack forms and way,but also broken mythology the Unite States native land won¡¦t be attacked by others. Terrorism violence attack is the global faced the question of the 21th,it will influence on U.S government and people life,also its friend countries and global stability.The U.S had went Through 911 event ,it¡¦s as soon as positive thinking to adjust post-cold-war period of war-strategy and to search of global military deploy, its hopes to solve religioue ,Racial, culutural, and territorial conflict, and then to finish extreme racialism, religionism terror attack event. Because of terrotorism violence actions was directed hit the U.S and friend countries benefit,the global anti-terrorism war-strategy of structural had emerged. Therefore, how to prevent and restrict terror attacks event happening again,it will to be trial and challenge the Unite States government and global anti-terrorism war- stratege conduct of actions and reaction.

Which grand strategies do Great Powers adopt towards rising challengers? When do Great Powers conciliate their potential rivals, and when do they opt for strategies of containment? In this master’s report, I outline an argument to answer these and related questions. I add to the existing literatures on grand strategy and power transitions in several key respects. First, I model power shifts between Great Powers as contests over access to externally located benefits rather than as contests over power for its own sake. Second, I emphasize the weight of domestic politics in shaping states’ preferences over the apportionment of these benefits. Third, I highlight the role of diplomacy in determining whether established Great Powers choose to conciliate or else contain potential rivals. Empirically, I provide four vignettes of Great Power responses to rising states: the United States’ strategy towards Japan during the Cold War; Britain’s appeasement of the United States, 1890-1914; the United States’ containment of the Soviet Union under Ronald Reagan; and Britain’s containment of Wilhelmine Germany. / text

Den svenska säkerhetspolitiken har genomgått stora förändringar sedan kalla kriget. Den tidigare inriktningen av alliansfrihet och neutralitet har ersatts av en solidaritetspolitik. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om synen på användning av det militära maktmedlet har förändrats i takt med den säkerhetspolitiska omställningen. Uppsatsen antar karaktären av en innehållsanalys, med utgångspunkt i den strategiska hierarkin och fyra konstruerade jämförelsedimensioner: mål, medel, metoder och hot. Två försvarspropositioner analyseras, från år 1982 och år 2008.  Undersökningen visar att både hotbild och den förändrade säkerhetspolitiska inriktningen har medfört en förändrad syn på det militära maktmedlet. Försvarsmaktens exklusivitet för användning i krig har minskat, till förmån för funktionen som krishanteringsinstrument i samverkan med andra maktmedel.

No description available.