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Who Heightens Regional Tension?:Park, Ha Eun January 2022 (has links)
Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / The regional great power competition between the United States and China is escalating in various dimensions such as economic, political, and security realms. Who instigates such tension and how? To answer these questions, this paper inquires whether it is the declining power, the United States, or the rising power, China, that causes regional tension to heighten. Applying the theories on power transition and power transition war to the three case studies on South Korea, Taiwan, and the South China Sea dispute in Vietnam, how the United States is provoking China to adopt policies that increase tension will be examined. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.
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Global gatekeeping : domestic politics, grand strategy, and power transition theoryHarris, Peter 13 December 2013 (has links)
Which grand strategies do Great Powers adopt towards rising challengers? When do Great Powers conciliate their potential rivals, and when do they opt for strategies of containment? In this master’s report, I outline an argument to answer these and related questions. I add to the existing literatures on grand strategy and power transitions in several key respects. First, I model power shifts between Great Powers as contests over access to externally located benefits rather than as contests over power for its own sake. Second, I emphasize the weight of domestic politics in shaping states’ preferences over the apportionment of these benefits. Third, I highlight the role of diplomacy in determining whether established Great Powers choose to conciliate or else contain potential rivals. Empirically, I provide four vignettes of Great Power responses to rising states: the United States’ strategy towards Japan during the Cold War; Britain’s appeasement of the United States, 1890-1914; the United States’ containment of the Soviet Union under Ronald Reagan; and Britain’s containment of Wilhelmine Germany. / text
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Global Security in the Post-Cold War Era and the Relevance of Nuclear WeaponsBluth, Christoph 08 July 2021 (has links)
Yes / Are nuclear weapons still relevant to global
security? Compared with the nuclear confrontation
in the depths of the Cold War, nuclear weapons and
deterrence appear to have lost their salience.
Considering the conflicts in which the major powers
engaged, the focus in strategic studies changed to
counterinsurgency, counterterrorism, and subconventional conflict.2 Only recently, with the
conflict in Ukraine and the increasingly
confrontational relationship between the United
States and China has this narrative come into
question. The general perception on international
security exhibits a strange paradox. On the one
hand the US-led military interventions in
Afghanistan, Iraq and other parts, the conflicts in
the Middle East and Africa, the nuclearization of
North Korea and the conflict between India and
Pakistan among other regional security issues have
given rise to a view that the modern world is less
secure than ever, and we live in a world of chaos
riven by unpredictable patterns of violence. By
contrast, Steven Pinker has demonstrated the casualties from armed conflict are at their lowest
point in human history, and interstate warfare has
virtually ceased to exist as a phenomenon.3 The
imminence of a global nuclear war in which at a
minimum hundreds of millions of people would die
appears to have dissipated. In some respects, it
appears that war has become almost a
phenomenon of the past. Most of the recent
literature on nuclear weapons has focused on
regional crises areas, such as South Asia (India and
Pakistan) or the Korean peninsula.4 However, the
modernization of arsenals by the nuclear powers,
the integration of strategic conventional and
nuclear weapons in strategic doctrines and the
more confrontational dynamics in Great Power
politics is cited as evidence that the risk of nuclear
use is increasing. This paper contests the emerging
narratives on an increased threat of nuclear conflict
and considers the sources of insecurity in the
contemporary period and in particular the risks of
armed conflict between the United States, Russia,
and China in order to assess the role of nuclear
weapons in contemporary security.
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Race and International Politics: How Racial Prejudice Can Shape Discord and Cooperation among Great PowersBuzas, Zoltan I. 13 August 2012 (has links)
No description available.
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Tying down the Gullivers : tripartite strategic balancing in unipolar international systemsVolsky, Alexander January 2014 (has links)
This dissertation seeks to conceptualise and operationalise the concept of soft balancing in international relations by articulating a “theory of tripartite strategic balancing” which is applicable to both international and regional unipolar systems. It has a twofold purpose: one theoretical and the other empirical. First, it seeks to develop a theory of tripartite strategic balancing which encompasses three forms of strategic balancing: internal, external, and soft balancing. The second part seeks to test the theory’s utility in explaining international political outcomes in the post-Cold War international system. In particular, it seeks to ascertain whether and how “second-tier great powers” have strategically balanced against the United States on a global level since the end of the Cold War. The analyses will focus largely on the foreign policies of Russia and France – the chief soft balancers. However, this dissertation also seeks to extend the concept of soft balancing into the regional level of analysis by examining whether and how minor-regional powers soft balance against regional unipolar leaders. For instance, it will examine whether and how the Russian Federation has been soft balanced against by states in the “European Near Abroad.” The analyses will focus primarily on the foreign policies of Poland – the chief soft balancer in the region. The dissertation will employ three in-depth case studies – the Kosovo Crisis (1999), the Iraqi wars (1991-2003), and the Georgia Crisis (2008) – to verify whether or not tripartite strategic balancing is actually occurring as the theory predicts. It will heavily rely on sources and interviews conducted during my time working at the United Nations Security Council and the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. These findings seek to contribute a more nuanced strand of thinking to the realist paradigm in international relations, and they offer practical implications for both US and Russian foreign policymaking.
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