This thesis surveys the origins and development of the moves to introduce journalism education courses into British universities between 1880 and 1970. It examines the arguments presented for, and against, such moves and describes the various courses introduced to meet the demands of education for journalism. These include the first, 4 commercial, London School of Journalism of 1887, the syllabus agreed at the University of Birmingham in 1908, and the work of the Institute of Journalists in developing a syllabus, with the University of London, which eventually began in 1919 for returning ex-Servicemen. The thesis also follows the attempts of the National Union of Journalists, from 1920 onwards,- to secure university co-operation in the education of its members. Particular attention is given to the last five years of the University of London Diploma for Journalism when it had its first full-time Director of Practical Journalism, 4 Mr Tom Clarke,3 from 1935 to 1939. This research quotes extensively from the minutes of the Journalism Committee of the University of London and, from 1935 to 1939, from the similar committee in King's College, where the journalism course developed its own centre. Mr Tom Clarke's lecture notes are used to illustrate attitudes towards news-gathering and reporting of someone who had been a news editor on the Daily Mail and editor of the News Chronicle, prior to his appointment as Director of Practical Journalism - the first person to hold such a post. Lecture notes of former students, staff reports on students' work, as well as students' journalistic assignments, former students and staff. Correspondence with the former Tutor to Journalism Students at King's College, 4 Dr G.B. Harrison, now retired in New Zealand, has added a useful dimension to the archival study of Journalism Department papers, as well as giving me the advantage of Dr Harrison's comments on my research. The academic work of students has been harder to assess as staff and students had little contact outside of lecture room or examination room. The Examination Papers of the Diploma for Journalism are also studied for the light they throw on the development of the course throughout its 20-year existence. Attitudes towards the Diploma for Journalism were culled from contemporary correspondence, the archives of the Newspaper Society and of the Royal Commission on the Press,4 1947-1949, 4 now in the Public Record Office. The Oral Evidence of the Commission reveals close questioning of newspapermen about the course. Finally the thesis briefly introduces possible areas of synthesis between academia and journalism.

This study was designed to investigate the emotional, marital and sexual functioning of female infertility patients and their male partners, to examine factors influencing psychological functioning, and to assess ways that patients cope with their infertility. Patients attending one of two London clinics for in vitro fertilisation (IVF) or donor insemination (DI) treatment were assessed prior to treatment and approximately 9 months later. At initial assessment, fifty-nine women were interviewed and completed self-report questionnaires assessing state and trait anxiety, depression, sex role, marital and sexual functioning and strategies used to cope with infertility. Thirty-four of their partners also completed questionnaires. Prior to treatment, participants experienced high levels of anxiety, but not depression. They did not have significant levels of marital or sexual problems. High levels of avoidance coping were associated with higher levels of anxiety and depression, but coping strategies were not related to marital or sexual functioning. More female participants were classified as having feminine sex roles in comparison with the general population. High levels of masculinity were associated with lower anxiety but not depression for both men and women. Female IVF patients had higher trait anxiety than female DI patients, but there were no other differences in psychological functioning between the treatment groups. In terms of factors influencing emotional functioning, avoidance coping was a consistent predictor of anxiety and depression in both women and men. The response to follow up was poor: only 46% of female participants completed assessments. For most participants, treatment was unsuccessful. There was a strong relationship between functioning at initial and follow up assessment for these patients. Couples who undergo IVF and DI are a select group of patients: although anxious prior to treatment their emotional functioning is generally good. Reasons for these findings are discussed and proposals for interventions to reduce anxiety and enable appropriate coping strategies are made.

This thesis examines the evolution of colonial policy within British West Africa, and is based largely on unpublished correspondence between the Colonial office and colonial governors, held in the Public Record Office in London. It argues that the colonial states were unable to generate or implement a satisfactory strategy for capitalist development. In the first twenty years of colonial rule, various projects were outlined, which assumed the introduction of private property in land, the encouragement of direct investment by European capital, and the formation of a class of wage labourers. The absence of a working class, and the political impossiblity of the disruptions necessary to create such a class, forced a retreat from these projects, and led to the articulation of a West African Policy, premised on peasant production. This reversed the earlier commitment to private property and proposed a defence of communal property relations, with Africans restrained from buying, selling or mortgaging land. With the exception of mining, private capital was to be restricted to a merchant role, and discouraged from setting up plantation production. In the decades between the First and Second World Wars, this conception of West African development provided the framework for colonial practice, but became increasingly incoherent and untenable. The colonial states were unable, within the confines of a peasant strategy, to promote desired changes in agricultural productivity, and could not offer adequate support to attempts to introduce mechanical processing into palm oil production. They came into conflict with mining companies over labour supplies, and with Lever over his attempts to introduce capitalist relations into the cultivation and processing of palm fruits. The commitment to communal ownership of land was challenged by Africans who demanded the right to buy and mortgage, and these demands were supported in the 1920s and 1930s by some key administrators who saw the West African Policy as a constraint on agricultural development. The world crisis of the 1920s and 1930s undermined the viability of African farming, and produced unemployment. By the time of the Second World War, the colonial states were forced to recognise African wage labour, and abandon the original model of a peasant economy. The thesis argues that the fragility of colonial control prevented pursuit of coherent strategies. The policies adopted should be viewed as a product of compromise between conflicting pressures, rather than as a pure strategy for capital. The thesis thus challenges the assumptions of underdevelopment theory, which has claimed the failure to create conditions for capitalist development in the African colonies as a deliberate product of capitalist interests.

The foundation structures for telecommunications in the English-speaking Caribbean were laid during the period of direct colonial control of the region by Britain. They formed part of the global communications network of a large empire requiring quick and efficient links with a remote imperial Centre. In this thesis, we argue, however, that the Caribbean component of this colonial telecommunications system was designed not just to improve imperial political administration of a distant and scattered region, but even more directly in support of a Nineteenth century drive for increased British private capital accumulation in Central and South America. We indicate that in the process of penetrating the Caribbean territories, the early British multinational telegraph conglomerates received the direct financial and technical support of their British home government, in a meso-corporatist relationship designed to counter both United States and other European competition in the region. The company Cable and Wireless emerged, both as an end-product of this inter-imperialist competition, and as an attempt to rationalize the innovation of wireless telegraphy with the more established cable network interests. Political de-colonization and the growth in the influence of the large colonial Dominions led to a fracturing of the symbiotic relationship between the private telegraph interests and the Imperial state. Nationalization of the industry, which followed, eventually led to more autonomous control by the Dominions over the telecommunications systems within their national territories. This marked the end of the empire-wide remit of the state-owned Cable and Wireless. But we argue that monopoly control over the telecommunications systems of the smaller, less powerful colonies, such as those in the Caribbean, was awarded to the diminished Cable and Wireless as a concession for its loss. However, despite close to three decades since the start of the process of political independence in the region, and early attempts by some governments to gain national control through equity acquisition, the dominance of Cable and Wireless continues to increase. In the last decade, the increase in the company's dominance has been facilitated by Western multilateral lending agencies, particularly the International Monetary Fund (IMF), whose loan conditions and demands for privatization in the sector have mediated on the side of the entrenched multinational company, in the same way that the British imperial government mediated on its behalf during Colonialism. Rapid technology changes, telecommunications liberalization in the global centres as well as significant weaknesses in Caribbean national and regional policy planning have also worked to the advantage of the company's renewed policy of increased investment and greater control over Caribbean telecommunications decision-making.

This thesis explores the subject of minority language television by comparing the cases of Wales and Brittany, and in particular the social, political and cultural implications of the Welsh language television channel S4C. The thesis is divided up into two interrelated parts, where the first part is an analysis on state level of French and British media policy, particularly with regards to their linguistic minorities. This part of the thesis deals with the historical, political and institutional background for the provision of minority language media in Breton and Welsh. It takes as points of reference firstly the state, and secondly the minorities in question - the Breton and the Welsh - and shows how a certain policy area in this case broadcasting, can become a focus for minority demands. The thesis describes the historical and political background for the extreme difference in provisions for minority language broadcasting in the two countries. The second part of the thesis takes as a starting point the actual existence of S4C - the Welsh language channel - as a minority language broadcaster, and assesses the social political and cultural implications of this organisation. This part of the thesis examines the minority level, and assesses the potential impact of Welsh language broadcasting, mainly television, on Welsh society in general and the Welsh language in particular.

This dissertation examines the political, social and economic development of Fleet Street 1653-1900, using The Standard (1827-1900) as its model. The opening chapter traces the early fortunes of the Baldwin Family, the founders of The Standard and the struggle which the Baldwins and their colleagues waged for the establishment of a free press. Chapter Two deals with the launch of The Standard by Charles Baldwin in May 1827 in response to the urging of The Duke of Wellington and other High Tories. Under the editorship of Dr. Stanley Lees Giffard, the paper opposed Parliamentary Reform and the repeal of the Corn Laws and was strongly anti-Papist in outlook. The diverse personalities of two key figures in the paper's early days, Dr. William Maginn and Alaric Alexander Watts, are also discussed. Chapter Three is concerned with the involvement of governments and politicians with newspapers, with special emphasis on the relationship of Thomas Hamber and Disraeli and the estrangement of William Mudford and Robert Cecil, the Third Marquess of Salisbury. Economic structure and labour relations and the establishment of The St. James's Chronicle are covered in the ensuing chapter. Chapter Five is concerned with the costs and methods of producing a "national" newspaper and the problem of labour from the early chapels to the highly-organized unions of the 20th Century. The final chapters discuss the role of the reporter and "The New Journalism". The early struggle for a free press -- with reference to John Wilkes and "Junius" is -- reviewed followed by a discussion on Edward Baldwin, proprietor of The Standard, and his conflict with The Times. The role of the Special Correspondent, using The Standard as a model, is also discussed. The leaders of the "New Journalism" are examined with particular reference to W. T. Stead and The Pall Mall Gazette; T. P. O'Connor's Star; and the rivalry between Alfred Harmsworth's Daily Mail and Arthur Pearson's Daily Express. Throughout this dissertation, the history of The Standard is linked with the growth of Fleet Street. The study ends with the purchase of The Standard by Pearson, resulting from the inability of its editor/manager, Mudford, to adapt to the changes in the press during the 19th Century and especially to the "New Journalism".

This thesis is a study of the importance of conflict in the Third World. It stresses ethnic conflict; conflict within classes, particularly within the bourgeosie; and the role of the 'professional' component in this middle-class struggle. It looks at these in respect of Pakistan and Nigeria, both of which have suffered major civil wars. Conflict is an inseparable part of the process of 'development'. It is argued in this thesis that the nature of conflict changes as societies develop. Third World societies tend to be riven by communal, especially ethnic divisions, while the class structure is ill-defined. Conflict is therefore often ethnic in nature. As the importance of these divisions recedes and the class structure begins to develop, the nature of conflict changes. However, classes are still little more than clusters of 'class fragments', not fully fledged classes in the Western sense. Each class fragment finds itself in competition, not with 'distant'- class fragments but with similar class fragments; resources are so scarce that fragments even within a single class 'group' fight over access to them. Conflict is, therefore, 'intra-class' (i. e. within broad clusters). This competition occurs all the way through the social hierarchy but reaches its climax at the top. Because of the scarcity of resources one of the main means of access to them is through power. The struggle for power between the various 'elite' (but basically bourgeois) fragments is, therefore, intense. Business, bureaucracy, the army and politics all form bases for different class fragments in their struggle against each other to control resources. Central to intra-class conflict is the 'professional' component of the bourgeoisie. In its strugglefor supremacy over the military, the bureaucracy, and businessmen, it seeks an expansion of democracy, politics being its only source of power against these other, stronger, elites. This struggle is carried over into the mass media, which are manned largely by this professional component of the middle class. The press in particular reflects both ethnic and intra-class struggle. This thesis describes in detail the connection between the press and conflict. Only as Third World societies develop more fully is class struggle likely to become 'inter-class', i. e. between classes. Then the various middle-class fragments might combine against the rising proletariat, and unite in their control and use of the mass media. The research incorporated into this thesis did not concern itself with this long-term possibility.

An analysis was made of the overall character of the British press coverage of Latin America. This analysis was broadly divided into' quantitative and qualitative. The aim of the research was to examine the relationship between the reporting on the region and the historical, political and economic links with the Latin American continent, as well as between the professional practices of journalists in London (foreign editors) and those based on the area (correspondents). Information was obtained from content analyses made on different historical periods, from questionnaires and interviews, and from related bibliography. A theoretical framework was established, together with an historical, economic and organisational context. A relevant methodology was also established and conforms an important aspect of this study. The analyses were carried out over samples taken from the end of the 19th Century, the 1970s and the 1980s. The data obtained from the questionnaires and interviews with journalists were analysed in connection with the rest of the findings, linking the empirical and the theoretical spheres of this work in an interrelating whole. The research presents a picture of the way Latin America has been covered by the British press over the years, shows the deficiencies and suggests ways of improvement through changes in cultural attitudes.

This thesis explores some of the life experiences of a group of Black1 Deaf2 individuals and the influences affecting their identity development. It also investigates the different attitudes to deafness within the Black hearing community. A quantitative survey was conducted with 57 respondents to explore attitudes to deafness amongst Black hearing people. The survey revealed that Black people perceived deafness as mild to moderate disability, a finding also echoed in the informants own accounts of interacting within the Black hearing community. The main study with the informants was conducted using qualitative methods. This explored the informants' childhood family experiences, education, employment, and interactions with the Black hearing and Deaf communities. The qualitative study questioned whether Black Deaf people should be referred to as Black Deaf or Deaf Black. It revealed that Black Deaf people assumed a diverse range of identities. For example, for some informants' the terms Black Deaf or Deaf Black had different meanings, but for others these terms were interchangeable. A group of informants resisted any attempts to categorize their identities. They constructed an identity, which did not prioritize race or deafness but was negotiated in different contexts. Many of the informants based their identity choices upon their personal experiences and attitudes towards the Deaf and the Black communities. Their experiences with these groups also influenced which community they felt more closely attached too. From exploring the personal identities of Black Deaf people a picture of their collective identity began to emerge. Three different groups of Black Deaf people were identified. These were labelled the Aspirers, Drifters and the Inbetweeners. These labels were chosen to encapsulate their characteristics and attitudes towards the development of the Black Deaf community. The study contested the possibility of a unified Black Deaf identity. It highlighted that the informants' identity formation was a continual process and open to constant negotiation. It indicated that other influences aside from race and deafness affected the informants' identity development, which must be considered in any further analysis of identity construction amongst Black Deaf people.

Organisational developments in contemporary primary care are the principal subject of the ten studies selected to support this PhD application on the basis of published works. The local practice and central policy determinants of these developments are discussed as a critical interaction, which is now having a profound impact on both the concepts and functions of primary care and the shape of the NHS itself. The studies are classified and described individually in three sections, according to the main methodological approach used in each research project. The approaches were: participant observation, action research and case studies. Concluding comments suggest that the focus on relationships represents the distinctive contribution of the works covered by the Statement.