This thesis sets out to re-locate and redefine the historical arguments around the development of the Modern Movement in architecture. It investigates the development of architectural modernism in Central Europe from 1895-1939 in the towns and cities of the multinational Habsburg Empire, in a creative milieu in which opposition, contrast and difference were the norm. It argues that the evolution of the Modern Movement through the independent nations that arose from the Empire constituted an early and significant engagement with urbanisation, planning and architectural modernism that has been largely overlooked by western scholarship. By reviewing the extant literature in discussion with Central European authorities and by drawing upon a little known range of sources, this thesis brings into focus the role of key individuals such as Plečnik, Fabiani and Kotěra and it explores the significance of developments in town planning in places like Zagreb and Ljubljana. In restoring some of this missing detail and revisiting some of the key sites, the thesis reveals how Central European individuals made early and significant contributions to the development of architectural modernism and the Modern Movement that have hitherto received little critical acknowledgement. What this research reveals is how these figures developed what can be seen as local solutions, rooted in the context and culture of individual towns and cities and their unique histories. However more significantly, this thesis also demonstrates that these independent initiatives were formed with an understanding of - and in response to - wider national and international developments in the field of architectural modernism. In this connection, the thesis can be regarded as part of an emerging academic effort to redress the history of the Modern Movement and an attempt to set in motion a raft of suggestion for further research into this rich field of cultural endeavour.

This project will be using an Action Research methodology to reflect on my own practice as a dundun practitioner. It examines the roots of my practice in the traditions of the dundun in the Yoruba tradition in Nigeria - both from oral and literary sources - and in my experiences in Hungary. It concentrates on my work in Hampshire where I worked in a number of different contexts. It examines in detail two case studies in which I attempted to recontextualise the dundun in two separate institutions - church and prison. These will be examined and analysed using the frames of post-colonial theory and Foucauldian social constructionism. Five concepts arise from these analyses which permeate the thesis: 'cultural dialogue, understanding and integration'; 'representation and presentation of culture and notions of identity'; 'tradition, authenticity and originality'; 'construction of meanings' and 'empowerment' . An important thread in this thesis on reflexive practice in the area of recontextualisation is the part the dundun plays in identity construction, contrasting Yoruba with European practice. The conclusions reflect the complexity of the processes involved in recontextualisation, especially the role of gatekeepers, the place of plurality in value systems in openness to change, the role experience plays in approaching new contexts, the complexity of the issues involved in cultural dialogue, the different types of power found in the various contexts and the relationship between tradition, authenticity and originality in various cultures. It analyses how my own practice has been influenced by these case studies.

The Reformed church in Hungary and Transylvania had extensive connections with western Calvinist churches during the early seventeenth century, and became more closely linked with co-religionists abroad during this period. In this thesis I shall examine the ideology and shared interests of this international Calvinist community, and assess the significant impact which contacts with fellow Calvinists beyond Hungary's borders had on the development of the Hungarian Reformed church. The early seventeenth century saw increasing numbers of Hungarian student ministers travel to western Reformed universities, western Calvinist teachers travel to work in Hungarian schools, and the transfer and translation of foreign Reformed theological works for use in Hungary and Transylvania. This pattern of broad engagement with western Europe heavily influenced the development of education in the Reformed schools of Hungary and Transylvania, as well as the forms of worship and ceremony adopted by the Hungarian Reformed church. Godly princes, godly gentlemen and clergy were partners in the building-up of the Reformed church of Hungary and Transylvania. The church was indeed reliant in the early seventeenth century on patronage and support from a series of Reformed Transylvanian princes, and from Hungarian nobles. The continuing commitment of these parties to further religious reformation in the region was challenged by some Reformed ministers who, inspired by their experience of Calvinist churches abroad, sought to introduce presbyterial government and reforms of church ceremony and discipline, an agenda dubbed locally as Puritanism. International Calvinist contacts however largely served to bolster the theological orthodoxy of the Reformed community of Hungary and Transylvania against its confessional rivals, invigorating the Reformed church's zeal to defend its position with a stridently anti-Catholic ideology. Comparisons with other Reformed churches reinforced commitment in Hungary to tighten standards of discipline with an ethos of morality which was distinctively Reformed. International Calvinism therefore assisted the Reformed confessionalisation of Transylvania and eastern Hungary in the early seventeenth century. However the ties binding Transylvania with the rest of the Calvinist world in this period also encouraged Transylvania's princes to adopt a diplomatic policy of Protestant cooperation tinged with apocalyptic ideas, which was ultimately to jeopardise the stability of the principality and the place of Reformed religion in east-central Europe.

As Hungary made its transition to democracy, it had to overhaul its political, economic and defense system. The shift to a democratic form of government and free enterprise economy depends on a military that is firmly under civilian authority. Within the defense sector, the endurance of such a new democracy requires reforming its intelligence system. Hungary must choose the intelligence system that best serves its goals and needs. Despite the relatively strong success in implementing a democratic system, market economy and civilian control of the military since 1989, the transformation of its intelligence agencies is incomplete. The intelligence organizations holds fast to the old concept of an oversized, hyper bureaucratic intelligence system, and still lack appropriate, Western-type civil control and oversight. The system itself has been changing but not at the adequate speed and to some extent, it has kept the baggage of its past. Recent international terrorism also presents an opportunity to examine the Hungarian intelligence system and how it is structured, evaluating it for deficiencies and further develop what is working in the Hungarian security services. This analysis describes various other national intelligence organizations and examines intelligence oversight in the Hungarian constitutional democracy with recommendations for the possible guidelines for a new Hungarian intelligence system. / Hungarian Army author.

by Ma Ngok. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Bibliography: leaves [168]-[172] / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.i / ABSTRACTS --- p.iii / LIST OF APPENDICES --- p.v / INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter CHAPTER ONE --- CRISIS AND DEVELOPMENT´ؤ A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1 --- What is a Crisis? --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2 --- Crisis and Development --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3 --- The Crisis Mechanism --- p.8 / Chapter 1.4 --- A Synthesis --- p.12 / Chapter CHAPTER TWO --- METHODOLOGY --- p.16 / Chapter 2.1 --- The Case of Hungary --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Time Frame --- p.17 / Chapter 2.3 --- Major Variables and Operationalisation --- p.20 / Chapter CHAPTER THREE --- "HUNGARY, 1950-56" --- p.23 / Chapter 3.1 --- The Stalinist Era as Antecedent System --- p.23 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- The Ruling Coalition --- p.23 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- The Development Strategy --- p.24 / Chapter 3.2 --- The New Course Period --- p.27 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Resources and Coalitions --- p.27 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- The Development Strategy --- p.31 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- The New Course as Environmental Change --- p.32 / Chapter 3.3 --- Further Environmental Changes --- p.33 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- The Opposition in the Making --- p.33 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- The Accelerators --- p.36 / Chapter CHAPTER FOUR --- "THE CRISIS STAGE, OCTOBER 23 TO NOVEMBER 4" --- p.39 / Chapter 4.1 --- "October 23-25, Stalinists Still in Power" --- p.40 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- The Course of Events --- p.40 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Coalitions and Resources --- p.42 / Chapter 4.1.3 --- Coalitions and Positions --- p.47 / Chapter 4.2 --- "October 26-28, A Period of Transition" --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- The Course of Events --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Coalitions and Resources --- p.54 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Coalitions and Positions --- p.57 / Chapter 4.3 --- "October 28 to November 4, Seven Days of Freedom" --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- The Course of Events --- p.62 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Change in Resource Distribution --- p.66 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- The Councils and Nagy's Turn --- p.68 / Chapter 4.3.4 --- The Soviet Decision --- p.72 / Chapter 4.3.5 --- The Kadar Decision --- p.76 / Chapter 4.4 --- A Recapitulation --- p.80 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Resources and Coalition Reformation --- p.80 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- The Role of Coercive Resources --- p.81 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- Issue Polarisation --- p.83 / Chapter CHAPTER FIVE --- "EARLY POST-REVOLUTIONARY HUNGARY, 1957-1965" --- p.87 / Chapter 5.1 --- The Politics of Restoration --- p.87 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- Coalitions and Resources --- p.87 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- The Reigning Ideology --- p.93 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- Political Restraints of Reform --- p.98 / Chapter 5.2 --- The Economic Reforms --- p.100 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- The Major Reform Directions --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- The Nature of Reform --- p.104 / Chapter 5.3 --- Political Restraints and Nature of Reform --- p.106 / Chapter CHAPTER SIX --- CONCLUSION --- p.109 / Chapter 6.1 --- Analysis of the Hungarian Crisis --- p.109 / Chapter 6.2 --- Crisis and Development in Hungary --- p.111 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- The Posterisis Environment --- p.111 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Effects on Early Postcrisis Stage --- p.112 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- Effects on Further Reforms --- p.114 / Chapter 6.3 --- Crisis and Development--A Theoretical Discussion --- p.118 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- Methodological Considerations --- p.118 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- The Uniqueness of the Hungarian Case --- p.119 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- An Explanatory Framework --- p.122 / EPILOGUE --- p.127 / NOTES --- p.129 / BIBLIOGRAPHY / APPENDICES

Rural change and the ability of farming communities to respond and withstand change is a topic of ongoing concern in the current research agenda. ‘Rural community resilience’ is a concept that has become a core theme of academic, policy and lay discourses discussing dynamics of rural change, widely associated with community studies and allied to notions of social capital. This work reviews approaches to community relations developed within community studies and social capital scholarship, and suggests that the relational agency of the network ties might also be explored through the application of an assemblage approach. However, and unlike many previous approaches to community resilience that use the concept in a normative way and which understandably highlight agency of social relations, this research has been constructed in such a way that network ties established through day-to-day community practices are characterized both vital and far from passive. Developing this current line of thinking in rural studies, this project argues that more-than-social agency evoked by relations between human and non-human components of the rural assemblage is an important factor affecting community resilience. The empirical research feeds from two case studies and gathers evidence from two distinctive agricultural communities of Hungary and Wales, whilst also recognizing similarities in the context of globalization. It argues that rural community resilience lies in relations between the humans, the land and the agricultural commodities.

The present thesis is an investigation into the relations between Great Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy (Austria-Hungary) in these years and how, in the words of Lord Rosebery in 1887 'the natural ally of Great Britain' became the enemy power of 1914 that had to be destroyed. Indeed, great emphasis is placed upon the key role that Britain played in the Monarchy's destruction. (one is reminded, en passant, of the poet William Cowper's admonition of 'love to hatred turned.') The first chapter will examine the general views held of the Monarchy by British travellers and commentators in the 19th and early 20th centuries, while Chapter II will focus on the views of the two greatest commentators on the Monarchy in the English-speaking world- theSlavonic scholar, Robert Seton-Watson and The Times Vienna correspondent, Henry Wickham Steed. Chapter III will deal with a general survey of Anglo-Austrian relations from the 1880's to the crisis years of 1908-9, involving the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which the subsequent chapter (IV) will examine in detail. Chapter V will look at the following years leading up to the First Worls War with particular reference to the Balkan Wars of 1912-13. Chapter VI (parts 1 and 2) will examine the July crisis and the actual outbreak of war and the attitude of people, press and parliament vis-à-vis the Monarchy when the two countries came to blows the following month in August, while the final Chapter VII will stress the important part that Britain subsequently played in Austria-Hungary's overthrow. In particular great significance will be attached to Sir Edward Grey's failure in the years preceding the First World War to act as an 'honest broker' between the two great rival alliance systems of France and Russia and Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy, and the willingness to accommodate Russia at Austria's expense. This led, it will be argued, to Germany effectively waging, initially, 'a preventve war' before her only real ally either disintegrated internally or was overthrown from without, hopelessly encircled as she was. (The very scenario that Grey claimed he feared the most actually happened largely through his failure to help Austria- the weakest link in the European alliance chain. The fact that the Foregn Office Memorandum of 1916 could argue 'that the Austro-Hungarian Empire must come to an end if the causes of war in the future are to be effectively removed' was, it is argued, merely putting a gloss on an anti-Austrian British Realpolitik formulated in the years before the war broke out, even if not openly acknowledged as such.

Partant des travaux existants sur la notion de dispositif, cette thèse propose une conceptualisation sociologique de celle-Ci. La caractérisation obtenue est appliquée à un dispositif d'intervention sociale dans la sphère privée. Ce dispositif, l'« espace de rencontre », est dédié aux parents dont la séparation ou le divorce sont conflictuels et son recours est majoritairement l'initiative d'une autorité juridique. Il est conçu pour être un lieu dans lequel le droit de visite du parent non hébergeant auprès des enfants est exercé dans un cadre extérieur aux domiciles respectifs des deux parents. Les intervenants, principalement psychologues et éducateurs de formation, accompagnent les parents vers le comportement attendu : l'investissement ensemble dans l'éducation de l'enfant et une organisation autonome du droit de visite. A partir de l'enquête empirique réalisée en Hongrie (2007-2009) et en France (2009-2011), cette thèse reconstitue l'émergence de ce dispositif dans des contextes socio-Historiques différents. Elle analyse ensuite le travail qui s'y effectue, à savoir l'incitation des parents à résoudre eux-Mêmes les difficultés qu'ils rencontrent, ceci sans contrepartie financière et alors même qu'ils ne sont pas officiellement qualifiés de déviants : les intervenants rationalisent la relation afin d'amener les parents à gérer leurs émotions. Les situations à la marge, à savoir les parents de cultures différentes, les cas de violence domestique et de suspicion de pédophilie, illustrent le processus de normalisation à l’œuvre dans le dispositif pour l'ensemble des parents et des enfants. Il apparaît que l'activité de ces lieux a pour objectif d'agir sur la subjectivité en devenir des enfants. En effet, les États sociaux français et hongrois considèrent que le parent-Visiteur est une ressource pour l'autonomie du futur adulte et qu'à ce titre, le maintien du lien est une mesure de prévention à une éventuelle précarité socio-Économique de ces futurs adultes. / Based on the state of the art on the notion of « dispositif », this thesis offers to map it as a sociological concept. This characterization is then applied to a social service which intervenes in the private sphere. This dispositif, child access services, addresses parents whose separation or divorce is a source of conflicts. Parents are mostly sent by a judicial authorities. It is conceived to be a place where the non guardian parent can practice his visitation rights outside of both parents homes. The workers, mainly trained psychologists and educators, guide the parents towards the expected behavior : common commitment to the education of the child and independent organization of child visitations. From the collection of empirical data in Hungary (2007-2009) and France (2009-2011), this thesis rebuilds the genesis of the dispositif in those different socio-Historical contexts. It then analyses the work which is accomplished within the dispositif, that is the incitement to self-Resolve the difficulties encountered, knowing that the parents do not receive any financial help from the service neither are they qualified as deviants : the workers rationalize the relationship in order to bring the parents to manage their emotions. Marginal situations, which are parents of different cultures, cases of domestic violence and suspicions of pedophilia, illustrate the process of normalization happening within the dispositif for all parents and children. It appears that the aim of the service activity is to act on the evolving subjectivity of children. In fact, the French and Hungarian social States consider that the visiting parent is a resource for the future adult's autonomy. For that reason, maintaining the relationship is a prevention measure for the eventual socio-Economical vulnerability of those future adults.

No description available.

This thesis attempts to understand the reasons behind Hungary’s surge in populism in the years following the 2008 financial crisis. In particular it looks at the two major political parties in Hungary, Fidesz and Jobbik, and how they continue to maintain control over the Hungarian government despite the common theory that populist support deteriorates overtime. A key component of Populism is that it usually grows in times of crises. Particularly in Hungary I focus on the many crises that arose during Hungary’s turbulent history of occupation, especially their transition out of Communism. Along with the devastation caused by the 2008 financial crash. Hungary’s inability to completely transition into a full-fledged Democracy as well as the economic devastation they witnessed following 2008 has created an environment where Populism can thrive indefinitely.