Der Anfang der ungarischen Operngeschichte wird in der Literatur generell mit dem Jahr 1837 angesetzt. In diesem Jahr erfolgte in Pest die Eröffnung des ständigen Ungarischen Theaters, welches seit 1840 den stolzen Namen "Ungarisches Nationaltheater" führt. Für fast ein halbes Jahrhundert sollte dieses Haus neben dem Drama und dem Lustspiel auch der Oper als Heimstätte dienen.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis explores the pervasive political divide within Canada’s Hungarian communities between communists and nationalist conservatives. Both sides in this conflict struggled for ownership of Hungarian national symbols and the right to be seen as the “true” guardians of Hungarian identity in Canada. While religious differences between Roman Catholic and Calvinist Hungarian immigrants served as a divisive force in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the arrival of a massive wave of new immigrants from the lands of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Empire after the First World War introduced into Canada the fiery political divisions between the far left and right that engulfed Hungary in 1918/19. Throughout the interwar period, during the Second World War and in the Cold War era, successive regimes in Budapest intervened, further politicized and divided Canada’s Hungarian communities, separating them into “loyal” and “disloyal” camps. But both communist and conservative Hungarian-Canadian leaders demonstrated a significant level of agency by often charting their own course and thus confounding their allies in Budapest. This thesis argues that Hungarian-Canadian communists only paid lip service to the Marxist language of class conflict, while national self-identification trumped class-based identity or internationalism, and conservative nationalists represented a large, politically heterogeneous camp, divided by generational conflicts and tensions between immigrant cohorts.

The model choice problem in Hydrology is illustrated by means of the optimum levee design for flat rivers along a confluence reach. Special attention is given to the selection of a probability distribution for the joint flood stages. The optimality criterion used is the minimization of construction plus expected flood damage costs. The main assumption in the mathematical model is that the levee profile is uniquely determined as a function of the levee heights at the extremes of the reach; thus the problem is reduced to the determination of the optimum pair of extreme levee heights. The selection of a probability distribution of flood stages, from a set of distributions estimated from the partial duration series, is performed using either one of two selection procedures: likelihood of the Chi -square statistic and sample likelihoods. A composite distribution, taking into account the model uncertainty, is also derived. The methodology presented is applied to the remodeling of the levee on the west bank of the Zagyva River, in Hungary. A sensitivity analysis is performed, using the best ranking distributions according to the two model choice procedures. The composite distribution appears to offer a reasonable choice.

The submitted diploma thesis is focused on life of aristocrat Karl Kinsky (1958-1919), a member of the famous aristocracy family of Kinsky. The author aims on Karl's personality development and in particular on his diplomatic career. The Kinsky family was one of the most powerful aristocracy family in monarchy. Based on this fact, the author aims on family environment, from which Karl came, his relationship to horses and horse races that in 1883 led him to the victory in prestigious Great National Liverpool Steeplechase, one of the most demanding horse race. This thesis describes Karl Kinsky's career in diplomatic services of Austria-Hungary, which he started in Great Britain in 1881. It focuses on his proffesional development, contact with other members of diplomatic corp and factors that form his professional carreer. Kinsky's private life was complicated and he had to marry a woman chosen by his family. These circumstances had a negative impact on his personality throughout almost the whole life. The thesis also focuses on his relations with wealthy people of that time. In 1904, after the death of his father, Kinsky terminated his diplomatic career and inhereted a large estates. Althought, as a prince, he had never stopped being engaged in horse racing and also dedicated himself to enhancing the...

The subject of this work is in description of the development and analysis of the logic of the Hungarian regime after 2010, as well as the changes that occurred after the victory of Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party in parliamentary election. In this work, there fundamental research questions will be examined for this purpose, i. e. (1) What constitutional changes have occurred in Hungary and what are their consequences (?), (2) How did the electoral system change and what was the logic and impact of this change (?) and at the same time (3) What character and why is the current regime in Hungary (?). Keywords: Hungary; Illiberal Democracy; Constitution

This study looks at the discursive threat constructions of political elites in Hungary during a time span corresponding to the European Migration Crisis. Securitization theory is used in conjunction with a Critical Discourse Analysis to analyse the communicated threat perceptions that led to the extraordinary security measure of building fences. Analysis finds that there was a clear grammar of security in all discourses – on both the state and the regional level - in identifying migration as a possible threat. Characteristics of the discourses varied between the state agents in different contexts in terms of wording, the referent objects they focused on and the utterance of speech acts. The study demonstrates that securitization did successfully happen, but argues that it was likely the result of securitization not happening on a regional level prior. In the study, the European Migration Crisis, the migration-security nexus, and the Copenhagen School’s earlier work: Identity, Migration and the New Security Agenda in Europe are also explored. The latter work is incorporated in the analysis by testing its correspondence with the communicated threat constructions in Hungary. The study finds strong correlations between the theorized, emerging security landscape and the communicated threat perceptions.

This dissertation examines the political nature and impact of nationalism within political systems. The dissertation does this through two distinct contributions: 1) establishing a clear conceptual definition of nationalist political parties (NPPs) and 2) developing a typology of NPPs that explains their development. Attention to NPPs has been mixed as some scholars have dismissed their relevance and/or merely grouped them with right-wing political parties. This points to a particular problem within the study of NPPs, namely that they are both under-theorized and over-simplified. In the dissertation, I argue that a more systematic approach is necessary for analyzing the distinct features of NPPs so that scholars can discern the similarities and qualities that make NPPs unique. NPPs are defined as parties that prioritize a singular nation or national identity, expressing a belief that this nation or national identity is unique, and as such requires political action to ensure its protection and survival. Unlike traditional political parties, NPPs are unique in their often-disjointed policy proposals and lack of definitive policy positions along the traditional left-right spectrum. The rhetorical tools employed by NPPs provide a basis for how they can be identified as different from other political parties within their system. Using small-N comparative historical analysis of political parties in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, a typology of NPPs is proposed across three distinct policy frameworks. Specifically, the Fidesz and Jobbik parties of Hungary and the UDMR of Romania are examined as respective ideal types of each of the frameworks discussed. The theory presented in the dissertation states that the type of policy framework chosen by the party depends on the timing of its development and more importantly on the structure and membership of the party organization. / Political Science

The aim of this systematic literature review is to present and compare the implementation of inclusion in the early childhood education system and its implication for children in Hungarian and German preschools. The thesis contains two research questions, with the following questions: What similarities and differences can be observed between the two education systems regarding inclusion? What implications does inclusion have on the children’s everyday life in the early childhood education? The articles used for the research underwent a selection process for the purpose of the research, in accordance with specific inclusion and exclusion criteria. During the selection, in the form of peer-reviewed, scientific papers, qualitative and quantitative studies. The systematic analysis pointed out that the inclusive early childhood education systems of Hungary and Germany have a similar structure, but they differ significantly from each other in some aspects. Furthermore, the results highlighted the positive effects of inclusive early childhood education on children.

Democracy around the world is threatened by autocratic leaders who wants to demolish the fundamental democratic values. In this essay the aim is to get an understanding of how democratic backsliding in Poland and Hungary appears and what differences and similarities there is between the two countries and to see if there is a generalization. The theory is constructed by Bermeo, Haggard and Kaufmans definition and research of democratic backsliding. To be able to specify the research Levitsky and Ziblatts four warnings signs of autocratic tendencies have been used.  The time frame is between 2010 – 2022 because it is when the Hungarian party Fidesz was elected. The study is a qualitative comparative study. The result of the research could show that there is a democratic backsliding happening in both countries and there is a lot of similarities between them. Most of the backsliding is due to the changes in legislation and the political system.