Background: In this dissertation I examine the political economy of the post-socialist mortality crisis as experienced in deindustrialising towns in Hungary. I develop and apply a relational political economy of health framework, putting emphasis on the economic institutions of post-socialist dependent capitalism in Hungary, as embedded in the semi-periphery of the global economy, their gendered implications and their cultural construction. Methods: I follow a mixed-method strategy combining quantitative and qualitative analyses. I rely on a novel dataset comprising data on settlement, enterprise, and individual levels. 260 companies and 52 towns were analysed in two waves. I group towns into severely and moderately deindustrialised categories (1989-1995); as well as into dominant state, domestic private and foreign ownership dominated categories (1995-2004). Population surveys in these towns collected data on the vital status and other characteristics of survey respondents' relatives. I assess the relationship between deindustrialisation, dominant ownership and the mortality of individuals by random intercept multilevel discrete-time survival modelling. I also investigate the health implications of the lived experience of economic transformation in four towns with diverging privatisation and deindustrialisation histories through a qualitative thematic analysis of 82 in-depth semi-structured interviews. Findings: Severe deindustrialisation is associated with a significantly larger odds of mortality for men between 1989 and 1995 (OR=1.12; 95%CI=1.00-1.26; p=0.042). On the other hand, prolonged state ownership is related to a significantly lower odds of dying among women, compared to towns dominated by domestic private ownership (OR=0.74; 95%CI=0.62-0.90; p=0.002) or towns dominated by foreign investment (OR=0.79; 95%CI=0.65-0.96; p=0.019) between 1995 and 2004. The multi-sited semi-structured qualitative interviews revealed that companies are central institutions in the cognitive maps of workers and that the fates of these companies affected the health of workers in multiple ways, whereas state involvement was perceived as a cushioning mechanism. Interpretation: Severe deindustrialisation was a crucial factor behind the post-socialist mortality crisis for men, whilst prolonged state ownership was associated with the protection of life chances for women. The indirect economic benefits of foreign investment do not translate automatically into better health. Rapid economic transformations threaten health; they should be avoided where possible, but if this is not possible, strong safety nets should be in place.

The subject of this thesis is the comparison of the privatization process in the Czech Republic (former Czechoslovakia), Hungary and Poland. The starting point of the thesis represents an initial outline of the situation - for different initial conditions in each country significantly influenced the course and shape of the process. The main part of the thesis is an analysis of privatization processes in compared countries, with emphasis on their specific features and influences that affect the process significantly. At the conclusion there is a comparision of Czech, Hungarian and Polish version of privatization based on several criteria. Although it is difficult to classify the universally best privatization method, main advantages and disadvantages of different methods and serious mistakes committed by economic policy actors can be easily identified.

Hungary has struggled with budget problems throughout its post-socialist history. With knowledge of economic theory it is possible to analyze the evolution of Hungary's debt after 1989 and thus deduce its weaknesses. Populism and fiscal irresponsibility have characterized majority of Hungarian governments to some extent. Hence, the key to understanding the debt of Hungary may be found on the political level of budgetary policy. With regard to the economic situation, Hungary was forced to implement significant cost-saving measures in recent years. These measures are evaluated at the end of the work. They can be crucial not only in terms of the budgetary situation but also with respect to the perspective on the future economic development and competitiveness of the entire economy.

The diploma thesis compares euro adoption strategies of Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. Theoretical part of the thesis assesses eurozone in terms of optimum currency area criteria, describes benefits and costs of eurozone membership and criteria of nominal and real convergence. Comparative part explores inter alia whether the compared countries have set euro adoption date, whether they fulfill the Maastricht criteria, what's the degree of their real convergence and what's their attitude to euro adoption in general and current European pacts.

L’éclatement de l’Autriche-Hongrie en un ensemble des nouvelles nations en 1918 constitue un événement clé dans l’historiographie de l’Europe centrale. Cette thèse porte sur les relations bilatérales entre deux Etats « nouveau nés » – la Hongrie et la Tchécoslovaquie. Elle se concentre plus particulièrement sur la politique extérieure hongroise et sur les perceptions, motivations et décisions du gouvernement hongrois et de ses différents organes politiques vis-à-vis de la République tchécoslovaque. Cette thèse questionne l'historiographie dominante qui décrit les relations entre Budapest et Prague dans l’entre-deux-guerres à travers le prisme de leur conflit territorial sur la Slovaquie et la Ruthénie – deux provinces hongroises annexées par la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918–1919. Cette recherche confirme que les élites hongroises et les cercles gouvernementaux espéraient récupérer ces territoires, mais elle démontre aussi que Budapest s’est efforcé d'éviter un conflit ouvert avec Prague, considérant que la Tchécoslovaquie était plus peuplée, industrialisée, militarisée et avait plus d'alliances internationales que la Hongrie. A partir des sources primaires principalement en hongrois et en tchèque, mais aussi en slovaque, en français et en anglais, trouvées dans les archives de Budapest et de Prague et dans des ouvrages publiés, cette thèse soutient que le gouvernement hongrois envisageait sérieusement de développer la coopération politique, économique et internationale avec Prague dans les années médianes de l'entre-deux-guerres. Cette thèse est organisée en cinq parties. Quatre périodes se distinguent: l’après-guerre (1918-21, part. 2), les années 20 (1922-1930, part. 3), le début des années 30 (1931-36, part. 5). La première partie traite des sources et de l'historiographie, tandis que la partie 4 s’intéresse plus en détails aux liens de l'opposition démocratique hongroise avec Prague en 1919–1932. / The replacement of Austria-Hungary by series of new nations in 1918 is a key event in the historical reflections in Central Europe. This thesis deals with the bilateral relations between two "new born" states - Hungary and Czechoslovakia.This thesis pays special attention the topic of the foreign policy of Hungary, by exploring the perceptions, motives, and the decisions that the government of Budapest and its different political bodies expressed in regard to the Czechoslovak Republic. This thesis aims to challenge the mainstream historiography which portrays the Budapest-Prague relations between the two World Wars through the prism of the territorial dispute over Slovakia and Ruthenia, two Hungarian provinces that were annexed by Czechoslovakia in 1918–1919. This research confirms that the Hungarian elites and the governmental circles were indeed unsatisfied with the loss of these two regions. However, the historiography has over-estimated the impact of territorial dispute on the practical and every day political attitudes and the decision making process in Budapest. This thesis claims that the Hungarian government tended to avoid open conflicts with Prague, considering that Czechoslovakia was more populous, industrialized, militarized and had more international alliances than Hungary. Analyzing primary sources mainly in Hungarian, and Czech, but also in Slovak, French and English, found both in the archives in Budapest and Prague and in published versions, this thesis argues that the government of Hungary seriously considered developing political, economic and international cooperation with Prague in the middle years of the Interwar. This thesis is organized into five parts. The opening part deals with the sources and the historiography. Part 2 examines the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918–1921. Part 3 tackles the Budapest-Prague relations between 1922 and 1930. Part 4 portrays the connections of the Hungarian democratic opposition with Prague in 1919–1932. Part 5 uncovers the changes of the foreign policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1931–1936.

This paper examines the securitization of education in Hungary during 2017 according to the statements of prime minister Viktor Orbán in official speeches published on the Hungarian government’s website. This quantiative examination combines the methods of discourse analysis, taking off from the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, partially extended with the comments of Marianne Winther Jørgensen and Louise Phillips, with the Copenhangen School’s dictum on securitization being performed through a speech act. It is argued that securitization can be used in examining the sudden changes in the Amendments to the Law on National Higher Education (education policy), a combination which is not a traditional proceeding in security research. The findings of the paper show on one hand Hungary’s shifting role within the European Union (EU) as a more, respectively less, independent member depending on the topic being discussed, and on the other that the principal referent objects in a security discourse is the Hungarian nation, with Central European University (CEU) as the particular target to the changes, essentially being accused to be part of an illegal network sponsored by George Soros with the aim to facilitate illegal migration (sic!), which from a securitization move perspective therefore legitimizes immediate action by the Hungarian government.

This study examines the rise of populism in Hungary and Poland through the Fidesz and Law and Justice (PiS) parties. As a relatively new terminology, the study begins by dissecting the various definitions of populism to establish a universal set of criteria to define the ideology. The majority of experts suggest that populist leaders campaign using a rhetoric of “us versus them” that encourages the population to feel that its general will is not being accurately represented. This strategy is particularly effective in Eastern European nations whose USSR roots makes them skeptical of globalization and paranoid of any loss of sovereignty. The study outlines three major underlying themes that led to the rise of populist parties in Poland and Hungary. First, the neoliberal reforms enacted during a post-communism shock therapy era created a level of poverty and wealth disparity that made citizens eager to return to the leftist economic platforms of Fidesz and PiS. Second, the newness of Poland and Hungary’s political system and continued communist elite system led to a level of corruption in the new government that left citizens with a growing distrust towards more traditional parties. Finally, both PiS and Fidesz capitalized off of the European migration crisis to stoke socially conservative fears and rally nativism. This study finds that these populist parties are successful due to their ability to capitalize off of the frustrations and fears of the common citizen who feels forgotten in a globalized society.

Administrative judiciary in Hungary Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to give a comprehensive picture of the institute of administrative judiciary in Hungary mainly by using the comparative method. Its aim is therefore to show the similarities and the differences between the Czech and Hungarian administrative judiciary, while also comparing the two legislations to the European standards of the Rule of Law principle. The Rule of Law principle is then used as defined by the European Commission for Democracy through Law, better known as the Venice Commission. Chapter one dives directly into an analysis of the Rule of law principle and its importance in the context of administrative judiciary. Furthermore, this chapter will also provide a short description of the traditional models of administrative judiciary. The purpose of chapter two is to give its reader a brief introduction of the evolution of administrative judiciary in Hungary from the late 19th century to today's legislation, while also mentioning the upcoming changes and their foreseeable impacts. Chapter three then provides a full description of the organisation of Hungarian administrative courts, while also mentioning the upcoming changes brought by the judicial reform in the country. The comparison of power and court jurisdiction in both...

This thesis deals with the political crisis in Hungary (and by extension Austria-Hungary as a whole) at the turn of centuries. Attempts to modernize the armed forces and increase their size led, especially in Hungary, to a broad discussion about relations between the army and the nation and the position of Hungary within the monarchy. Thesis describes basic characteristics of political development in relation to the army question during years 1902-1912, its actors, their aims, motivations and results. Keywords: Austria-Hungary, compromise, dualism, army, crisis

La thèse porte sur la famille Batthyány, qui a joué un important rôle au XVIIIe siècle à la Cour de Vienne, à la Diète, dans l’Armée et dans l’Eglise, par ses représentants : le palatin Louis –Ernest (1696-1765), le cardinal primat Joseph (1727-1799), l’évêque de Transylvanie Ignace (1741-1798) et par Charles Joseph (1697-1772), feld-maréchal de l’Armée autrichienne, tous, conseillers de Charles VI, de Marie-Thérèse et de Joseph II. La monographie familiale étudie les élites et analyse les mécanismes de fonctionnement de la politique de la Maison d’Autriche des Habsbourg. La thèse est structurée sur trois niveaux : la Cour de Vienne, le Royaume de Hongrie et la Transylvanie et développée dans quatre chapitres : I. Les Batthyány une famille des magnats ; II. Dominer ; III. Dominer et servir : les Batthyány, le Royaume de Saint Etienne et la Maison d’Autriche ; IV. Servir : les Batthyány et la dynastie des Habsbourg. La principale conclusion : les Batthyány appartienne aux élites européennes par les alliances, les faits et les acquis dans des multiples domaines. / The thesis treats the Batthyány family’s role in the eighteenth century and its’ involvement in Vienna’s Court, Diet, Army and Church structures, through its’ representatives: palatine Louis-Ernest (1696-1765), cardinal Joseph (1727-1799) primate of the Catholic Church, Ignace (1741-1798), Transylvania bishop and Charles-Joseph (1797-1772), field-marshal of the Austrian army. In addition, all have been advisors to Charles VI, Maria Theresa, and Joseph II. The family’s monography studies the existent elites and analyses the political mechanisms inside the Austrian Habsburg Court. The thesis revolves around three axes: the Vienna Court, the Hungarian Kingdom and Transylvania, developed into four chapters: “I. Batthyány, a magnates family„; “II. Domination„; “III. Dominating and serving: Batthyány, Kingdom of Saint Stephen and the House of Austria„; “IV. Serving- Batthyány and the Habsburg dynasty„. The main conclusion: the Batthyánys belong to European elites through their alliances and their involvement in various domains.