The objective of this thesis is to examine the nature of health care system change in the Czech Republic and Hungary after the collapse of communism. In order to do so, the thesis focuses mainly on Europeanization and New Institutionalism as competing approaches in explaining domestic changes in Central and Eastern European Countries. While doing so, first this study tries to explore whether Europeanization is one of the main determinants in the transition process of the health care systems of the Czech Republic and Hungary and discusses the EU-level policies, laws and regulations related to the health care sector. Second, the study looks through the historical legacy and path dependency theories as branches of the New Institutionalist approaches to investigate the transition of the health care systems of case countries. The review of the related literature and empirical case studies exhibit that the transformation process of the health care systems of the Czech Republic and Hungary were possibly affected by many factors and it would be misleading to attribute all consequences to only one determinant. In this respect, the main argument is that the Europeanization effect is weak compared to the New Institutionalism approach in explaining the transition process of health care systems of Hungary and the Czech Republic / however, there are strong opportunities for EU institutions to shape the future contours v of health care systems and public health programs in Hungary and the Czech Republic.

This study analyzes East German representations of Hungary in cultural texts to investigate the emergence of a German socialist identity in the 1950s and 1960s. I further contend that post-1945 self- and collective identity in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was complex and formulated by official, intellectual, and mass perceptions. By examining East German iconography of Hungary it becomes clear that socialist identity in the early years of the dictatorship relied on traditional expressions of society as well as ideology. Hungary provided East Germans with a practical model for socialist friendship. Though the GDR was a state that ostensibly celebrated multiculturalism, East German texts presented the People’s Republic of Hungary almost as another Germany with a shared heritage and culture. They articulated this palatable image of Hungary through the lens of ideology (Marxist-Leninist internationalism) and through traditional cultural definitions. This study concludes that East Germans used a composite of socialist ideas and folk customs to draw parallels with Hungary and create a distinct character that was both German and socialist.

Thesis (doctoral)--Technische Universität Chemnitz, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

The national development of the ethnic groups of the Habsburg Monarchy were influenced by the policies undertaken toward them by their rulers, the Austrian Germans and, after 1867, the Magyars of Hungary. Contrasts can be identified between those groups living in the Austrian part of the Monarchy and those living in the Kingdom of Hungary, a trend that can be identified in the Monarchy's South Slav populations (Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes), as this population inhabited territories on both sides of the dualist border. The present study examines the differences in the nationality policies toward the South Slavs on the part of the governments of Cisleithanian Austria and the Kingdom of Hungary during the decades prior to the First World War. The concluding section examines how these nationality policies influenced the post-1914 development of the South Slav groups.

No description available.

The background to this study lies in the discrepancy between the special economic and foreign-political importance of the EU for New Zealand and New Zealand’s low foreignpolitical interaction and visibility in the 12 new EU Member States. This explorative study is the first of its kind to investigate from New Zealand’s viewpoint whether any potential connection points or areas of common interest may exist between New Zealand and Hungary as one of the new EU Member States which might foster directly or indirectly New Zealand’s national interests in the European Union (EU). Owing to the broad nature of such an inquiry, the study encompasses the political, diplomatic, commercial, scientific, and cultural interactions of the two countries from the 1970s until 2007. The theoretical framework of the study builds on Small State Theory, its limitations for the special setting of the thesis topic, however, suggested a necessity to incorporate the Theory on the Role of Ethnic Networks in International Trade. The explorative nature of the research topic required a qualitative research design, based on interviews, questionnaires, and case studies in New Zealand and Hungary in the years 2005 and 2007. Research results were compared with macro-level statistics and official analyses where available to support and enhance analytic validity. The thesis concludes that a solely trade focused foreign policy would not bring the advantages desired by New Zealand. Instead, the research suggests various alternative areas and ways to serve cost effectively New Zealand’s foreign political goals not just in Hungary but also in the Central and Eastern European region in general.

This thesis examines how the various characteristics of the Central and Eastern European new Member States, as indicated by the case studies of the Czech Republic and Hungary. affect how elite monetary policy makers within these states perceive the euro, both politically and economically. In order to answer this question economic and political expectations of what one would predict the perceptions of the euro within these state to be are developed from the official sources and existing Iiterature. The expectations reflect both the symbolic and political utility of currency in the development of collective sentiment as well as address the economic roles of currency. These expectations are then assessed against interview data collected from interviews with elite decision-makers within the Czech Republic and Hungary. Through this approach I argue that the opinions of elite decision-makers suggest that there is a complex interplay between the economic and the political regarding the perceptions of the euro within these states which reflect the unique character of these states. Moreover, I argue that even though the motivations of policy makers are in many cases particular to the NMS they are also run counter to some intuitive and scholarly predictions which indicate the need for further research.

There is a substantial amount of existing literature that focuses on the revolutionary events of 1989 in East-Central Europe. Yet, there are few comparisons which apply a comparative-historical approach to a small set of cases. A large body of existing literature provides the ideal situation for a comparative-historical study. This thesis will test the utility of applying a comparative-historical methodological approach to the events of 1989 in four countries in East-Central Europe. The four countries are paired into two cases. The case of Poland and Hungary is compared with the case of Bulgaria and Romania. A theoretical frame of reference is developed from previous comparative-historical studies of revolutionary events, criticisms of them, and the general theoretical debates which they generate. This frame of reference incorporates a broad range of variables, and is used to inform the application of the method. Differences (and similarities) between the cases are then investigated, and the utility of the method assessed. Additionally, the application of the method allows some current theoretical and conceptual debates concerning the East- Central European events to be confronted. Part 1 of the thesis applies a comparative-historical method of analysis to the cases up to, and including some aspects of the 1989 events. In Part 2, patterns of difference between the cases are identified in terms of revolutionary forms and outcomes. Following the logic of the method common factors are identified as potential contributing factors to the collapse of communism, while patterns of difference suggest that the political, economic and social 'nature' of the communist systems had an impact on the forms of change and their outcomes. It is recognised that the comparative-historical approach utilised in this thesis has limitations. However, the method is shown to be useful for identifying common factors across cases, and significant variations between cases, which can generate potential explanation, and provide better understanding of such revolutionary phenomena as that which occurred in East-Central Europe in 1989.

No description available.

The dissertation examines the establishment and strengthening of constitutional democracies during democratic consolidation from an institutionalist point of view. Focusing on Hungary and Poland, it examines how the right institutions can advance the creation and strengthening of a constitutional order. Among the institutions special attention is paid to the constitutional courts. The establishment and prominence of constitutional courts in most new democracies in East Central Europe fits into the general trend that was perceivable throughout Western Europe after WWII. The main rationale of these new institutions was to safeguard the democratic order from the return of authoritarianism. The main practical as well as theoretical significance of the introduction of judicial review was that it put an end to the then prevailing primacy of unlimited popular sovereignty and recast the concept of democracy in constitutional, rather than majoritarian terms. / Such an innovation plays an even more significant role in Eastern Europe, where concepts of majoritarian democracy on the one hand, and reliance on a strong leader, especially in times of difficulties on the other, were prominent due to both communist and pre-communist legacies. Furthermore, the often ambiguous constitutional documents produced by the negotiated transitions, as well as the sometimes irreconcilable aspirations of political forces, provided the courts with a prominent role in shaping the new order. / Through the study of two issues, transitional justice and the presidency, the dissertation examines the various functions constitutional courts can play in democratic consolidation in general and in advancing rule of law systems, in resolving constitutional ambiguities and in controlling political actors in particular. / Drawing on the analysis of political events, primary sources, parliamentary minutes, newspaper articles and court decisions, the dissertation concludes that while the courts' record in solving institutional problems cannot be regarded as an unequivocal success, their role in defining fundamental constitutional principles is more praiseworthy. Not only did they manage to settle controversial issues as in the case of transitional justice, they also successfully curbed majoritarian endeavors and steered the new systems towards the acceptance of basic liberal constitutional values.