O trabalho a ser desenvolvido tem como objetivo compreender a relação complexa da política pública para a educação superior, entre 1995 e 2010, utilizando arcabouço teórico do neo-institucionalismo. Por meio da análise tridimensional da política (polity, politics e policy), a pesquisa procurará construir o ambiente multifacetado do processo de gestão da política pública, que teve início na constituição da agenda pública e perpassa a formulação e a implementação da política educacional nos governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 a 2002) e Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010). O fio condutor é a dinâmica da Arena Decisória de Educação Superior, na qual a política pública gestada pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) influenciou e foi influenciada pelo conjunto de atores governamentais e sociais. A política pública foi entendida como um conjunto sistêmico interdependente de Sete Pilares, a saber: autonomia, centralização do poder decisório, avaliação, formação de professores, flexibilização curricular, expansão e financiamento, que contribuíram para intervenção do Poder Público em prol da expansão da educação superior. Levando-se em conta as especificidades de cada momento histórico, o trabalho pretende construir um ambiente socioeconômico e as limitações fiscais, a fim de estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre as duas presidências. / Work being developed aims to understand the complex relationship of public policy for higher education between 1995 and 2010, using the theoretical framework of neo-institutionalism. Through dimensional analysis of the policy (polity, politics and policy), the research will seek to build the multifaceted environment of the management process of public policy, which began in the constitution of the public agenda and runs through the formulation and implementation of educational policy in the governments of presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). The common thread is the dynamic of Arena Operative Higher Education, in which public policy fomented by the Ministry of Education (MEC) has influenced and been influenced by all the governmental and social actors. Public policy has been understood as a set of interdependent systemic Seven Pillars, namely autonomy, centralization of decision-making, assessment, teacher training, curricular flexibility, expansion and financing, which contributed to the intervention of the government towards the expansion of education above. Taking into account the specificities of each historical moment, the work aims to build a socio-economic environment and fiscal constraints in order to establish a comparative analysis between the two presidencies.

O trabalho a ser desenvolvido tem como objetivo compreender a relação complexa da política pública para a educação superior, entre 1995 e 2010, utilizando arcabouço teórico do neo-institucionalismo. Por meio da análise tridimensional da política (polity, politics e policy), a pesquisa procurará construir o ambiente multifacetado do processo de gestão da política pública, que teve início na constituição da agenda pública e perpassa a formulação e a implementação da política educacional nos governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 a 2002) e Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010). O fio condutor é a dinâmica da Arena Decisória de Educação Superior, na qual a política pública gestada pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) influenciou e foi influenciada pelo conjunto de atores governamentais e sociais. A política pública foi entendida como um conjunto sistêmico interdependente de Sete Pilares, a saber: autonomia, centralização do poder decisório, avaliação, formação de professores, flexibilização curricular, expansão e financiamento, que contribuíram para intervenção do Poder Público em prol da expansão da educação superior. Levando-se em conta as especificidades de cada momento histórico, o trabalho pretende construir um ambiente socioeconômico e as limitações fiscais, a fim de estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre as duas presidências. / Work being developed aims to understand the complex relationship of public policy for higher education between 1995 and 2010, using the theoretical framework of neo-institutionalism. Through dimensional analysis of the policy (polity, politics and policy), the research will seek to build the multifaceted environment of the management process of public policy, which began in the constitution of the public agenda and runs through the formulation and implementation of educational policy in the governments of presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). The common thread is the dynamic of Arena Operative Higher Education, in which public policy fomented by the Ministry of Education (MEC) has influenced and been influenced by all the governmental and social actors. Public policy has been understood as a set of interdependent systemic Seven Pillars, namely autonomy, centralization of decision-making, assessment, teacher training, curricular flexibility, expansion and financing, which contributed to the intervention of the government towards the expansion of education above. Taking into account the specificities of each historical moment, the work aims to build a socio-economic environment and fiscal constraints in order to establish a comparative analysis between the two presidencies.

La présente recherche s’intéresse à la problématique du régime linguistique algérien à travers l’étude du militantisme pour la langue amazighe. L’objectif est ainsi d’examiner le sens politique des revendications linguistiques amazighes et ses impacts sur le régime linguistique algérien. Autrement dit, nous étudions des représentations d’acteurs à l’intérieur des structures institutionnelles. Notre hypothèse postule un lien entre le militantisme linguistique amazighe et la notion de citoyenneté démocratique. Elle sera vérifiée à travers la théorie des « régimes linguistiques » et des « traditions étatiques » (Cardinal et Sonntag, 2015), du concept de « contexte de sens » (Cefaï, 1998 ; 2003) et de la méthode de la co-construction du savoir et de la notion de vraisemblance (Dubet, 1994 ; 2000). Ces outils théoriques nous permettent de voir, dans un premier temps, les formes que prend l’imaginaire militant qui se décline en un répertoire de sens (émotions, valeurs, idéaux…), mais néanmoins convergent vers l’idée de la citoyenneté démocratique largement récurrente dans le discours militant. L’étude des représentations militantes permet, dans un second temps, de voir comment celles-ci se traduisent dans les pratiques militantes ; comment l’imaginaire militant influence la trajectoire du régime linguistique algérien, et particulièrement à travers ses maintes conjonctures critiques (1980, 1994-1995, 2001-2002, 2011-2016). Les résultats de la recherche montrent que le militantisme linguistique amazigh impose des représentations citoyennes et contre-hégémoniques à l’intérieur d’un régime linguistique foncièrement hégémonique et autoritaire. Celles-ci sont traduites par des acquis / concessions au bénéfice de la langue amazighe au sein du régime linguistique. Elles sont aussi limitées par l’effet de dépendance au sentier des concessions sur certaines traditions étatiques. Cette analyse est fondée sur une méthodologie qualitative, se basant sur des sources primaires (entretiens semi-dirigés et observation) et secondaires (analyse de documents, archives, et autre œuvres artistiques de type militante). / This thesis looks at the Algerian language regime through the lens of activism for the amazigh language. The main objective is to examine the political meaning of the Amazigh activists’ grievances and its impact on the Algerian language regime. In other words, it aims to understand the nature of these actors’ representations within particular institutional structures. My hypothesis suggests a link between Amazigh linguistic militancy and democratic citizenship. This hypothesis will be verified through the theory of "language regimes" and "state traditions" (Cardinal and Sonntag, 2015), the concept of "context of meaning" (Cefaï, 1998; 2003), the knowledge co-construction method and the notion of likelihood (Dubet, 1994; 2000). These analytical tools will allow me to classify the various meanings included in the activists’ political imaginary (emotions, values, ideals, etc.) that converge in the discourse towards the idea of democratic citizenship. Then, we will see how their representations are translated into practice and influence the Algerian language regime’s trajectory, especially during its critical conjunctures (1980, 1994-1995, 2001-2002, 2011-2016). These findings will highlight that the Amazigh linguistic activism imposes counter-hegemonic representations within a fundamentally hegemonic and authoritarian linguistic regime. These representations translate into benefits and concessions in favour of the Amazigh language, while being simultaneously used by the language regime – influenced by certain state traditions - to maintain its stability and hegemony. For this purpose, this study is based on a qualitative methodology, combining primary (semi-directed interviews and observation) and secondary sources (analysis of documents, archives, and other engaged artistic work).