Papal primacy rests on a single line of scripture: Matthew 16:18, “You are Peter and on this rock I will build my church.” The question of whether or not Christ vested the full authority of the Christian Church to Peter alone allowed secular rulers and reformers alike to dispute the legitimacy of the papal institution. In the period leading up to the opening of the Council of Trent, papal primacy became a fundamental concern. Popes claimed that any threat to their plenitudo potestatis jeopardized the unity of the faith, while their opponents saw it as the main hurdle towards religious and civic autonomy. During this time, a series of ongoing papal commissions beginning with Paul III Farnese (1534-1549) and continuing through the pontificate of Gregory XIII Boncompagni (1572-1585) sourced pictorial content from the Acts of the Apostles and the Life of Peter. These pontiffs were able to legitimize and bolster their authority by investing in Petrine and Pauline imagery that promoted the Apostolic identity of the church at a crucial turning point when the very definition of doctrine was intensely debated. This project traces how a coherent and consistent program for leveraging cultural capital emerged across five decorative programs within the Apostolic Palace: the Pauline Chapel (1542-45/1573-76/1580-85), the Casino of Pius IV (1562-63), a previously unknown series of frescoes for the landings of the palace staircases (1572), the second loggia (c. 1574/75), and the area above the portico of Saint Peter’s Basilica (c. 1575/76). Over the course of forty years, the papacy employed artists such as Michelangelo Buonarroti, Perino del Vaga, Giorgio Vasari, Lorenzo Sabbatini, Federico Zuccaro, and many others to visually concretize these Apostolic-focused narratives. Besides painted programs, the larger visual strategy capitalized on a broader scope of media. This included cope decorations, carved marble reliefs, and papal medals, which helped circulate and solidify the thematic typological associations between the Apostolic age and the Tridentine era. By the end of the sixteenth century, the systematic development of the papacy’s Apostolic identity had taken such a firm hold that it continued with Clement VIII Aldobrandini (1592-1605) in the altarpieces chosen for the small nave of new St. Peter’s Basilica, and with Paul V Borghese (1605-1621) at his eponymously named Pauline Chapel. What emerges from this analysis is the collective organization of a papal identity built around the lived and witnessed experience of the disciples that predates the full expression of a Counter-Reformation ideology. / Art History

This thesis examines the impact of the Reformation on the estates of ecclesiastical institutions and officials based in St Andrews. It argues that land and wealth were redistributed and power structures torn apart, as St Andrews changed from Scotland's Catholic ecclesiastical capital to a conspicuously Protestant burgh. The rapid dispersal of the pre-Reformation church's considerable ecclesiastical lands and revenues had long-term ramifications for the lives of local householders, for relations between religious and secular authorities, and for St Andrews' viability as an urban community. Yet this major redistribution of wealth has had limited attention from scholars. The first part of this study considers the role played by the Catholic Church in St Andrews before the Reformation, and the means by which it was financed, examining the funding of the city's pre-Reformation ecclesiastical foundations and officials, and arguing that (contrary to some traditional assumptions) the Catholic Church in St Andrews was on a reasonably sound financial footing until the Reformation. The second section considers the immediate disruption to St Andrews' religious lands and revenues caused by the burgh's public conversion to Protestantism, and then explores the more planned reorganisation of the 1560s. The disputes and difficulties triggered by the redistribution of ecclesiastical wealth are examined, as well as the longer term impact on St Andrews of the treatment of church revenues at the Reformation. Evidence for this study is chiefly drawn from the extensive body of manuscripts concerning St Andrews held by the National Library of Scotland, the National Records of Scotland, and the University of St Andrews Special Collections.

The years 1870 to 1920 saw an extraordinary efflorescence of English historical writing, dominated by historians who were committed members of the Church of England, many of them in holy orders. At a time when both history and religion were central to cultural life, when history was becoming a modern academic discipline, and when the relationship between Christianity and advanced knowledge was under unprecedented scrutiny, this was a phenomenon of considerable intellectual significance. To understand why this came about, it is necessary to understand the intellectual and institutional conditions in the Church of England at the time. The Oxford Movement and the rise of incarnational theology had drawn Anglicans in ever greater numbers towards the study of the past. At the same time, it was still widely held that the Church of England should be a ‘learned church’: it therefore encouraged scholarship, sacred and secular, amongst its laity and clergy. The result was to produce historians who approached the past with a new set of priorities. The history of the English nation and its constitution was rewritten to show that the church – and especially the medieval church – was the originator and guarantor of modern nationality and liberty. Attitudes to the Reformation shifted from the celebratory to the sceptical, or even the downright hostile. Economic historians even came to see the Reformation as a social revolution – as the origin of modern poverty or capitalism. New and distinctive ideas about progress and divine providence were developed and articulated. Most of all, an examination of Anglican historical scholarship shows the continued vitality of the Church of England and the limitations to the idea that intellectual life was secularised over the course of the nineteenth century. Instead, historiography continued to be shaped by Anglican thought and institutions at this critical stage in its development.

Although by 1900, over 60% of the British missionary workforce in South Asia was female, women’s role in mission has often been overlooked. This thesis focuses upon women of the two leading Anglican societies – the high-Church Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) and the evangelical Church Missionary Society (CMS) – during a particularly underexplored and eventful period in mission history. It uses primary material from the archives of SPG at Rhodes House, Oxford, CMS at the University of Birmingham, St Stephen’s Community, Delhi, and the United Theological College, Bangalore, to extend previous research on the beginnings of women’s service in the late-nineteenth century, exploring the ways in which women missionaries responded to unprecedented upheaval in Britain, India, and the worldwide Anglican Communion in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. In so doing, it contributes to multiple overlapping historiographies: not simply to the history of Church and mission, but also to that of gender, the British Empire, Indian nationalism, and decolonisation. Women missionaries were products of the expansion of female education, professional opportunities, and philanthropic activity in late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century Britain. Their vocation was tested by living conditions in India, as well as by contradictory calls to marriage, career advancement, familial duties, or the Religious Life. Their educational, medical, and evangelistic work altered considerably between 1917 and 1950 owing to ‘Indianisation’ and ‘Diocesanisation,’ which sought to establish a self-governing ‘native’ Church. Women’s absorption in local affairs meant they were usually uninterested in imperial, nationalist, and Anglican politics, and sometimes became estranged from the home Church. Their service was far more than an attempt to ‘colonise’ Indian hearts and minds and propagate Western ideology. In reality, women missionaries’ engagement with India and Indians had a far more profound impact upon them than upon the Indians they came to serve.

L’immigration maronite à Montréal date de la fin du XIXe siècle, mais c’est dans les années 1970 et 1990, à la suite des guerres au Liban, qu’il y a eu les plus grandes vagues. De rite syriaque antiochien, mais d’obédience catholique romaine, les immigrants maronites n’avaient pas d’église paroissiale propre. Les autorités diocésaines montréalaises avaient rassemblé les catholiques orientaux dans une même église dont le service était assuré par l’ordre melkite du Saint-Sauveur. En 1969, le père de l’ordre maronite mariamite Élias Najjar fonde avec des Égyptiens maronites la première paroisse. Cette étude se penche sur le processus qui a mené à la naissance de cette paroisse, son évolution à travers le temps et la vie de ses paroissiens. L’approche est narrative et descriptive, elle s’inscrit dans le cadre de l’histoire sociale et religieuse. Les résultats de l’analyse mettent en lumière une église nationale et un nouveau modèle de paroisse diasporique, différent du modèle classique, recelant des diversités infranationale, internationale et interconfessionnelle. / Maronite immigration to Montreal started at the end of the 19th century. During the 1970s and 1990s, massive waves of Lebanese immigrants arrived to Montreal due to the wars in Lebanon. The Maronite Church is fully Roman Catholic but has a syriac-antiochean rite. Maronite immigrants did not have their own parish in Montreal and had to go for célébrations in the Oriental Catholic Church which was created by Montreal clerical authorities and served by Greek-Catholics (Melkites) of the Saint-Sauveur order. In 1969, Father Élias Najjar from the Maronite mariamite order, together with Maronites from Egypt, founded the first Maronite parish in Montreal. This thesis aims to study the process behind the constitution of the first parish, its evolution and the life of its parishioners by using a narrative and descriptive approach in the frame of the social and religious history. Results show a national Church and a new model of Maronite diasporic parish, different from the classical one, having subnational, international and inter-confessional diversities.

No description available.

No description available.

This dissertation brings the Ancient Near Eastern practice of the wheel, hanging, impaling, placarding, and crucifixion (WHIPC) into the scholarship of crucifixion, which has been too dominated by the Greek and Roman practice. WHIPC can be defined as the exposure of a body via affixing, by any means, to a structure, wooden or otherwise, for public display (Chapter 2). Linguistic analysis of relevant sources in several languages (including Egyptian hieroglyphics, Sumerian, Hebrew, Hittite, Old Persian, all phases of ancient Greek, and Latin) shows that because of imprecise terminology, any realistic definition of WHIPC must be broad (Chapter 3). Using methodologies and interdisciplinary approaches drawn from art history, archaeology, linguistic analysis, and digital humanities, this work analyzes scattered but abundant evidence to piece together theories about who was crucified, when, how, where, and why. The dissertation proves that WHIPC records, written and visual, were kept for three primary functions: to advertise power, to punish and deter, and to perform magical rituals or fulfill religious obligations. Manifestations of these three functions come through WHIPC in mythology (see especially Chapter 4), trophies (Chapter 5), spectacles, propaganda, political commentary, executions, corrective torture, behavior modification or prevention, donative sacrifices, scapegoat offerings, curses, and healing rituals. WHIPC also served as a mode of human and animal sacrifice (Chapter 6). Regarding the treatment of the body, several examples reveal cultural contexts for nudity and bone-breaking, which often accompanied WHIPC (Chapter 7). In the frequent instances where burial was forbidden a second penalty, played out in the afterlife, was intended. Contrary to some modern assertions, implementation of crucifixion was not limited by gender or status (Chapter 8). WHIPC often occurred along roads or on hills and mountains, or in in liminal spaces such as doorways, cliffs, city gates, and city walls (Chapter 9). From the Sumerians to the Romans, exposing and displaying the bodies consistently functioned as a display of power, punishment and prevention of undesirable behavior, and held religious and magical significance. Exposure punishments have been pervasive and global since the beginning of recorded time, and indeed, this treatment of the body is still practiced today. It seems no culture has escaped this form of physical abuse.

"Based on the thesis submitted by the author for the degree 'Doctor of Philosophy' to the Senate of Hebrew University, Jerusalem, in 1976"--P. viii. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-275) and indexes.

This study examines the role of the Austin Friars in pre-Reformation English society, as distinct both from the Austin Friars of Europe and from other English mendicant orders. By examining how the Austins formulated their origins story in a distinctly English context, this thesis argues that the hagiographical writings of the Austin Friars regarding Augustine of Hippo, whom they claimed as their putative founder, had profound consequences for their religious platform. As their definition of Augustine's religious life was less restrictive than that of the European Austin Friars and did not look to a recent, charismatic leader, such as Dominic or Francis, the English Austin Friars developed a religious adaptability visible in their pastoral, theological, and secular activity. This flexibility contributed to their durability by allowing them to adapt to religious needs as they arose rather than being constrained to what had been validated by their heritage. The behaviour of these friars can be characterised foremost by their ceaseless advancement of the interests of their own order through their creation of a network of influence and the manoeuvring of their confrères into socially and economically expedient positions. Given the propensity of the Austin Friars towards reform, this study seeks to understand its place within and interaction with English society, both religious and secular, in an effort to reconstruct the religious culture of this order. It therefore investigates their interaction with the laity and patronage, with heresy and reform, and with secular powers. It emphasises, above all, the distinctiveness of the English Austin Friars both from other mendicant orders and from the European Austin Friars, whose rigid interpretations of the religious example of Augustine led them to a strict demarcation of the Augustinian life as eremitical in nature and to hostile relations with the Augustinian Canons. Ultimately, this thesis interrogates the significance of being an Austin Friar in fifteenth- or sixteenth-century England and their role in the religious landscape, exploring the exceptional variability to their behaviour and their ability to take on accepted forms of behaviour.