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For many, the Reformation schism from the Roman Church represented a heretical act and a break from an institution with a well-established historical understanding of itself. Early Protestants developed a representation of their history in sophisticated narratives that justified their action and countered the charges of heresy levelled at them; fledgling Protestant history argued its theological orthodoxy by presenting its break from the abuses of the past as a return to the ancient Church’s purity. These narratives indicate that the self-perception of the movements was tied closely to their major proponents; as such, the histories of these few individuals became crucial to an understanding of the movements themselves, and the diverse narrative forms, adopted by sixteenth-century Protestants in numerous chronicles, biographies, hagiographies and sermons relating to Luther’s life, clearly show the quest for a suitable narrative form to make sense of the Reformation. Through an examination of a largely neglected master text of the Lutherbild, Melanchthon’s Historia de vita et actis Reverendiss. viri D. Mart. Lutheri (Erfurt: Gervasius Stürmer, 1548), this thesis identifies the nature of the narrative models used to represent Luther, and thereby recreates the historical consciousness of his first biographer. Given the ‘good’ Catholic backgrounds of the first reformers along with the need to justify the orthodoxy of the Reformation, this analysis shows how the historical consciousness present in early histories demonstrates an orthodoxy and inheritance from well-established narrative models to represent the leaders of Protestantism. Simultaneously, this analysis indicates how in adopting various aspects of the life-writing tradition and through careful selection, Melanchthon establishes an authorized and distinctly Wittenberg image of Luther that has dictated the subsequent understanding of the man and his movement, and that a clearly individual-based and biographical approach has in fact shaped the self-image and understanding of history.

This thesis will offer a re-evaluation of how young people experienced religious change in the English Reformation. In her pioneering article 'Youth and the English Reformation', Susan Brigden highlighted the religious disorder of young people due to the emergence of Protestantism. Although this seminal work consciously offered numerous research possibilities regarding the religious behaviour of young people, its conclusions have seeped into the historiography largely unquestioned. Therefore, this study will advance the historiography by demonstrating that, in order to understand how the young responded to religious change in the English Reformation, it is necessary to analyse the messages for, and depictions of, young people in the writings of both conservative and reformed writers. Currently, the reformers' messages for young people have been underutilised and, consequently, this thesis will analyse the religious catechisms, sermons, interludes and John Foxe's Acts and Monuments in order to develop a more nuanced explanation for the religious behaviour of young people which moves beyond circular explanations based on stereotypes for the life-cycle stage of youth. In particular, it will be argued that the Edwardian reformers' focus on religious education for young people, and the methods that were implemented to achieve this, allowed the young an opportunity to acquire a role in society that would otherwise be unobtainable. There are numerous examples and depictions of young people providing religious education for their elders both directly and indirectly. The role of young people as "educators" enabled them to invert the social hierarchy but this existed within an environment that was controlled by adults. By tracing the theme of religious education through the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, it would seem that the Edwardian model offered a novel and unique interaction with young people. Therefore, the overarching aim of this thesis is to understand better the relationship between young people and Protestantism by moving beyond, although not discounting, the current historiographical orthodoxy based on the alleged appeal of riot and disorder.

Radical transformations came about in the Habsburg Empire and their satellite states during the 1780s, as the Emperor Joseph II embraced the Enlightened reforms and promoted ways in which laws and a new order could be spread. The main opposition towards this sovereign and his reforms came from the Catholic Church. In 1775, shortly after he was declared pope, Pius VI issued a bull (Inscrutabile divinae) which was at the same time an anti-Enlightenment manifesto and a warning towards any criticisms within the Church of Rome. In 1781, Joseph II reformed censorship, and in 1782, began a campaign to suppress monasteries belonging to contemplative orders and issued the Edict of Tolerance. In a short period of time, the subjects of the Empire had access to great scholarly works of seventeenth and eighteenth-century Europe. Under Joseph II the newly generated intellectual culture produced an amazing number of pamphlets, books, and journals/periodicals, the like of which had never been seen before in the Habsburg territories. Public debate on the state, religion, and society accompanied the flood of short tracts, bringing together a group of intellectuals in support of “Josephinism”. A strong counter-reform movement arose in answer to this reform action; the movement was represented by members of new diplomatic class endowed with greater powers, since they were announced as the pope’s direct representatives abroad. After the suppression of the Jesuit Order, the apostolic nunciatures and printed publications became the instruments of diffusion and control of the Catholic population. The increase in anti-Enlightenment publications and the recall of the community of the faithful back to the orthodoxy was the pretext for a series of measures against the Jews and catholic reformers. Therefore Rome and Vienna became the centres of a battle whose main objective was the renewal of society or its negation. Compared to “orthodox” historiography and the main research into this topic which state Pius VI’s inadequacy when confronted by the reforms imposed by the Emperor, many of the documents consulted demonstrate a certain capacity on the part of the Church of Rome in not only resisting the wave of reforms introduced by the Hapsburg court, but also in successfully imposing its own political policy in the Italian peninsular at the same time. The answer from Pius VI led to a series of changes (among which, it should be remembered, the worsening status of the Jews and the end of Jansenism) which left lasting traces in the history of the Church, and even stronger in European history.

Johannes Oecolampadius (1482-1531) is a figure who spent a better part of the three hundred years following his death buried in relative obscurity, as both his life and thought had been relegated to dusty bookshelves in magnificent libraries throughout Europe and America. Particularly in the English-speaking world, there was little of substance written about him until approximately thirty years ago. It is true that he is named, or elements of his work are referred to, in the many extant summary histories concerning the early modern period. However, whatever mention has been made of Oecolampadius in these histories has often been in relationship to his 'Swiss theology', which many authors argue is simply a recapitulation of the better-known Zwingli. The purpose of this study will be to attempt to further 'dust off' certain aspects of Oecolampadius' theological and patristic reflection for the contemporary reader. Specifically, because he spent the better part of his adult life involved in patristic translation and the eucharistic rows of the mid-1520s to early 1530s, we will attempt to survey both. In this regard, we will concentrate on how Oecolampadius perceived and theologized the eucharist throughout his life - in other words, what were the theological anchors of his doctrine, and what or who influenced them, and did these points of focus change or evolve during his career? Second, on the patristic front, we will consider which patristic authors Oecolampadius was familiar with, how and why he sought their help (or rejected it) to make the case for the particular form of eucharistic theology that was his own, and what this can ultimately begin to tell us about his reception of the fathers.

This study examines Reformed identity as an aspect of religious identity formation during the early Reformation period. It contributes towards an understanding of the character of the English Reformation by examining the reception of Swiss theology. The research is principally focussed upon the theological concept of covenant which blossomed in a distinctively bilateral and conditional form in early Reformation Switzerland. Patterns of thought discerned in English theology are related to this Swiss pattern, thereby assisting the process of identifying individual reformers according to continental models and elucidating an important theological development of the period. The concept of covenant had implications for contemporary discourses regarding the doctrines of justification and sanctification. It also made an impact upon sacramental theology in the way that sacraments were viewed as covenant signs. Despite the essential uniformity of the Swiss Reformed concept of covenant, three distinct emphases arose in Swiss Reformed sacramental theology with regard to the efficacy of the sacraments as means of grace. Having identified cases of English reception of the Swiss concept of covenant, their specific influences are determined using patterns of sacramental theology. Chapter one considers the problems involved in discerning different forms of religious identity in this period. Evidence for Reformed identity in England from the 1520s to the 1550s is surveyed from various different angles. The transmission of Swiss ideas through the Low Countries is considered, and alternative explanations for the failure of English Lutheranism are evaluated, particularly Lollardy and humanism. Chapter two demonstrates the essential consistency of the concepts of covenant espoused by leading Swiss reformers. Chapter three examines the concepts of covenant of four English reformers. Chapter four highlights different patterns in Swiss sacramental theology, and chapter five analyses English cases in light of those Swiss models.

Les auteurs des Flugschriften mènent un combat pour la paix, chacun à sa manière. Luther veut sauvegarder la paix ; l’assemblée commune des autorités et des sujets de l’Ortenau veut rétablir la paix ; Melanchthon veut consolider la paix. De quelle paix s’agit-il ? Tout d’abord, le renoncement à la violence. Il s’agit essentiellement de sauvegarder la paix civile. Les Réformateurs, surtout Melanchthon, associent volontiers cette paix toute « extérieure » à la paix « intérieure que procure Dieu dans le cœur de celui qui place sa confiance en Lui. ». La paix ne peut pas être fondée sur un usage abusif de l’Ecriture. Luther dénonce le Droit divin qui, à ses yeux, relève d’un mésusage de l’Ecriture, et prône le « droit chrétien » : souffrir, et invoquer Dieu. L’assemblée commune des autorités et des sujets à Renchen ignore totalement ce Droit divin. Melanchthon condamne le recours à ce Droit divin. Aux arguments bibliques avancés par les paysans pour justifier leurs griefs et leur programme, Melanchthon en oppose d’autres pour récuser les XII articles. Luther le rappelle aux princes et aux seigneurs : ils doivent s’attacher à la Parole de Dieu ; qu’ils tiennent compte des articles des paysans qui sont souvent « justes et équitables » ; qu’ils engagent des négociations en vue d’une conciliation. Aux princes et aux seigneurs Melanchthon adresse ses suppliques pour assurer la paix future. Luther demande aux paysans de renoncer au Droit divin ; qu’ils adoptent le droit chrétien et qu’ils se gardent des faux prophètes ! Melanchthon déclare : le maintien de la paix implique pour le chrétien quelques renoncements et obligations. L’Ecriture condamne le recours à la violence illégitime. / The authors of the Flugschriften lead a combat for peace, each one in his own way. Luther wants to preserve the peace; the common assembly of the authorities and the subjects of the Ortenau want to re-establish the peace; Melanchthon wants to consolidate the peace. But what peace is involved here? First of all, it is a combat against violence. This is essentially about preserving civil peace. The Reformers, especially Melanchthon, happily associate this “outer peace with the “inner” peace that God brings to the heart of the one who places his confidence in Him”. Peace cannot be founded on an abusive use of Scripture. Luther denounces Divine right that, in his eyes, is a misuse of Scripture, and rather extols “Christian law”: to suffer, and to invoke God. The common assembly of the authorities and subjects in Renchen totally ignores Divine right. Melanchthon condemns any recourse to this Divine right. To the biblical arguments advanced by the peasants for justifying their grievances and their programme, Melanchthon opposes other arguments to challenge the XII articles. Luther does not forget to remind the princes and lords that they must focus on the Word of God; that they should take into account the articles of the peasantry which are often “just and equitable”. They should engage negotiations with a view to conciliation. Luther asks the peasants to renounce Divine right, that they adopt Christian law and keep themselves from false prophets! To the princes and the lords Melanchthon addresses his petitions in order to assure future peace. Melanchthon declares: Keeping the peace for the Christian involves certain renouncement and obligations.

Pour défendre la « Réforme» face au catholicisme qui l'accuse de supprimer les« bonnes oeuvres», Calvin, réformateur de la deuxième génération, avait dû poser comme base deux principes fondamentaux : la « certitude du salut » et la « moralité du salut », autrement dit, la « justification » et la « sanctification ». Pour ce faire, Calvin a reprit la notion de l'union avec Christ comme idée centrale. Concernant le sujet de l'union avec Christ, notre thèse a pour but de résoudre deux problèmes. 1. quelle est la nature de l''union avec Christ chez Calvin ? 2. A présent, le Christ est aux cieux ; il est à la droite de Dieu. Il y a une distance entre Christ et le fidèle. S'il en est ainsi, comment les deux êtres s'unissent ? Quel est le sens de cette union dans cette distance ? La nature de cette union est christologique. Donc, nous avons pu trouver une analogie entre l' « union des deux natures en Christ » et l'« union du chrétien et du Christ ». Nous avons appliqué les deux notions « communicatio idiomatum » « extra calvinisticum » à la notion de l'union entre Christ et nous. D'une part, la« communicatio idiomatum » constitue, à nos yeux, la continuité entre Christ et le fidèle, ouvre la possibilité de l'échange de la personne entre deux êtres, assure la certitude du salut. D'autre part, l' «extracalvinisticum » affirme qu'il y a encore la transcendance divine dans l'union entre le Christ et le croyant. Par l'Esprit Saint en tant que lien, ils s'unissent, mais cette union se rattache à la transcendance divine. Sur ce point, nous pouvons appeler la présence du Christ la « présence absente», ce qui nous rend l'espérance eschatologique. L'union parfaite est eschatologique. / To justify the Reformation against Catholicism, Calvin as a reformer of the second generation, had to establish two basic principles: the "certainty of salvation" and "morality of salvation," in other words, justification" and sanctification". To do this, Calvin took the notion of union or of communion with Christ as the central idea. Conceming the subject of union with Christ, my thesis aims to solve two problems: First, what is the nature of union with Christ in Calvin's theology ? Second, Christ is in heaven and is at the right hand of God. There is a distance between Christ and believer. If so, how can they unite together ? What is the meaning of the union in this distance ? The nature of this union is Christological. So we can find an analogy between the "union of two natures in Christ" and the "union of Christ and a believer". We applied the two concepts, "communicatio idiomatum" and "extra calvinisticum" to the notion of the union between Christ and a believer. The "communicatio idiomatum" makes it possible to unite Christ with the believer and opens the possibility of exchange of the person between them, and ensures the certainty of salvation. The "extra calvinisticum" claims that there is still the divine transcendence in the union between Christ and a believer. By the Holy Spirit, they are united, but this union is linked to the divine transcendence. The presence of the Christ through the Holy Spirit can be called "the absent presence", which helps us to stay in the eschatological hope.The perfect union is eschatological.

Les missions catholiques au Japon au XVIe siècle se sont développées dans le contexte de l'expansion ibérique en Extrême-Orient. Les convertis ont fait bon accueil à l'art religieux introduit par les missionnaires. La présente étude dresse l'inventaire des principales œuvres d'art qui ont échappé aux destructions depuis l'interdiction du christianisme en 1614, retrace les différentes modalités de leur conservation depuis cette date et leur découverte progressive depuis 1865. Tout en présentant les traces iconographiques de l'action des ordres mendiants, une large place est réservée à l'activité des jésuites dans l'introduction de l'art occidental, en particulier par la fondation d'une école d'art à Nagasaki. L'étude des principales œuvres et de leur contexte historique permet de reconstituer les différentes facettes de la mission du Japon et de la situer au sein des réseaux de la mondialisation ibérique qui ont permis une circulation artistique entre l'Europe, le Japon et le Nouveau Monde. / Catholic missions in 16th century Japan developed within the context of lberian expansion in the Far East. The Japanese converts welcomed Western religious art. The present study draws up the list of the main works of art that have escaped destruction since 1614, describes their conservation and progressive discovery since the XIXth century, focuses on the role of the Jesuits in the introduction of Western art in Japan while presenting the artistic traces of the mendicants orders. The main works of art are set in their historical context. The Japanese mission is thus placed in the global networks of lberian expansion, which allowed artistic circulation between Europe, Japan and the New World.

This thesis examines the impact of the Reformation on the estates of ecclesiastical institutions and officials based in St Andrews. It argues that land and wealth were redistributed and power structures torn apart, as St Andrews changed from Scotland's Catholic ecclesiastical capital to a conspicuously Protestant burgh. The rapid dispersal of the pre-Reformation church's considerable ecclesiastical lands and revenues had long-term ramifications for the lives of local householders, for relations between religious and secular authorities, and for St Andrews' viability as an urban community. Yet this major redistribution of wealth has had limited attention from scholars. The first part of this study considers the role played by the Catholic Church in St Andrews before the Reformation, and the means by which it was financed, examining the funding of the city's pre-Reformation ecclesiastical foundations and officials, and arguing that (contrary to some traditional assumptions) the Catholic Church in St Andrews was on a reasonably sound financial footing until the Reformation. The second section considers the immediate disruption to St Andrews' religious lands and revenues caused by the burgh's public conversion to Protestantism, and then explores the more planned reorganisation of the 1560s. The disputes and difficulties triggered by the redistribution of ecclesiastical wealth are examined, as well as the longer term impact on St Andrews of the treatment of church revenues at the Reformation. Evidence for this study is chiefly drawn from the extensive body of manuscripts concerning St Andrews held by the National Library of Scotland, the National Records of Scotland, and the University of St Andrews Special Collections.