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Until the introduction of the trade liberalization initiatives of 1989, the wine producers of British Columbia appeared to have operated in an environment that fostered less than competitive behaviour. Two factors in particular may have been responsible for creating such an environment: (1) the structure of the industry was inherently oligopolistic; and (2) protection from foreign competition was afforded by the British Columbia government in the form of a wine policy that effectively created non-tariff trade barriers against foreign wine producers. This study econometrically tests the hypothesis that British Columbia wine producers behaved non-competitively during the years 1957 to 1986. A model of the British Columbia wine industry is developed and used to estimate the degree of non-competitive pricing behaviour in the industry, and tests are undertaken to determine whether the estimate of behaviour is consistent with competitive or with other well known behavioral specifications. the main structural components of the industry are described in a model of oligopolistic behaviour using a linear system of equations, in which both demand and pricing equations appear. The parameters which affect each of these equations are estimated using the appropriate estimation technique. The econometric results, and the subsequent statistical tests, support the hypothesis that the domestic wine industry in British Columbia operated in a non-competitive manner between 1957 and 1986. Specifically, the hypothesis of competitive behaviour is statistically rejected, whereas, the hypotheses of Cournot and collusive-type behaviour could not be rejected. These results suggest that British Columbia consumers may have been sacrificing to firms at least a portion of the surplus they would have obtained in a perfectly competitive industry. In addition, it appears that the wine policy of the provincial government helped create a non-competitive industry that will likely have difficulty competing in today's global market for wine.

The thesis inquires into the role of the Christian Churches in the ethnic and communal conflicts of the Third World. Often times summoned to intervene, churches can instigate, ignore, or seek to reconcile the inter-communal tensions and strife which wreak havoc on the development of these societies. Church response to reconcile the rival claims of divergent ethnic communities is, however, not necessarily impelled purely by doctrinal directives. The institutional interests of the church as well as other priorities often qualify the role of the churches as peace-makers. Using empirical evidence from Fiji, Guyana, and Trinidad, the thesis focuses mainly on the conciliatory role of the churches in these conflicts. It seeks to ascertain whether the churches, over the years and in different cultural milieux, have evolved a body of experiential resources in resolving or assuaging these conflicts. In the end, the thesis attempts to answer the question whether there is or can be a Christian mode of ethnic conflict resolution.

The central argument of this thesis is that a series of China's state policies, before and during the reform era, were conducive to the rise of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement (CSM). The most important of these were (1) leftist policies during Mao's era which fostered the formation of pro-democratic yet impractical intellectuals and created a university ecology that was remarkably conducive to student movements, and (2) the state-led reform which over produced students on the one hand, and blocked upward mobility channels for intellectuals and students on the other hand. These and other conducive factors to the rise of the 1989 CSM were not simply state mistakes. To a large extent, they were characteristic of the regime. / The thesis does not reject non-state centered factors such as anomic feelings toward uncertainties brought by the reform, the conflict between reformers and hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the rise of civil society during the eighties, the impact of Western ideologies following the open door policy or the intrinsic character of Chinese culture, that have all been hitherto proposed to explain the rise of the CSM. Rather, it incorporates these explanations under a state-centered paradigm in light of a general model (the DSSI model) that I am proposing to explain the general causes, and to a lesser extent, the dynamics of large scale social movements.

Before 1959 Blacks were admitted to study at certain White universities; Kollege ya Bana BaAfrika and Fort Hare. In 1959 Parliament passed two Acts of far reaching significance in the history of university education for Blacks in South Africa. These were the Extension of University Education Act (Ac t No . 45 of 1959) and the Fort Hare Transfer Act (Act No. 64 of 1959) . The first Act provided for the establishment of the university colleges of the North and that of Zululand. The second Act provided for the transfer of Fort Hare to the then Department of Bantu Education. This study will show why government found it necessary to establish Black universities, together with their merits and demerits. Suggestions are given as to how Black universities could become universally accepted academic institutions. Although dealing with Black university education in general , particular reference is made to Turfloop. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

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One medium has dominated accounts of American art in the years following the Second World War. The period witnessed, in the words of one critic, a 'Triumph of American Painting', with advances in the easel picture far surpassing those in other media. Whilst more recent accounts have nuanced this view, drawing attention to developments in music and sculpture, literary contributions to the new American modernism have gone almost without assessment. Were there advances in literature comparable to those of Mark Rothko and Barnett Newman, David Smith and John Cage? Drawing extensively on his unpublished writings, After the New Failure of Nerve reveals the poet Charles Olson to have been the keenest literary advocate of the new American avant-garde and one of the most astute observers of its conditions and possibilities. Paying special attention to unpublished notes, lectures, and correspondence, the thesis utilises Olson's early writings in order to examine the momentum given early postwar modernism by a potent contemporary reaction against abstract rationality, a reaction identified at the time as a 'New Failure of Nerve'. Born of recent disillusionment with 'scientific' Marxism and New Deal progressivism, the thesis demonstrates the several ways in which this 'New Failure of Nerve' fuelled vanguard American art from the middle of the Second World War to the end of the decade. It argues that the new critique of abstract rationality - which was also reflected in the contemporary American work of the Frankfurt School - defined the way American artists understood the function of postwar modernism, the posture of the postwar modernist artist, and the status of the postwar modernist artwork. This pivotal moment in the history of modernism was shaped, I contend, by a philosophical critique explored most ambitiously by an American poet.

This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.

The thesis deals with Britain's early Cold War history and the political history of the Church of England. It mainly uses primary sources, and contributes to our growing understanding of the early Cold War, especially in its cultural/religious elements. It explores how the Church of England dealt with the development of the early Cold War in Britain. It argues that in order to understand better the Church of England's role, an account of its perspective on issues of state modernisation dating back to at least the 1930s is necessary. It was then, during a decade of authoritarianism, and especially at the Oxford Conference of 1937, that the Church' standpoint towards secularisation was established, while the transnational agenda of the ecumenical movement was also adopted and internalized by Church of England. The thesis also examines the agencies which it built and worked with: in particular the British Council of Churches and the World Council of Churches. As the Church is the Established Church, its relationship with specific government agencies, especially the British Foreign Office and the Ministry of Information also became increasingly important. The thesis reveals the Church of England's lack of autonomy in time of crisis and the importance of key individuals for the institutional leadership of the Church. Its ecumenical agenda had played an important role, but this was under pressure after the War, as a Europe-wide Christian community was increasingly challenged by 'Western Union' plans for a Cold War Western, Christian community and bloc. By 1948 the Church had been enrolled in the Cold War between East and West which was apparent in its alignment with British government policies and its withdrawn role in the ecumenical community. The thesis adds to our understanding of the Church of England's relationship to the state in these years, and contributes to the cultural dimension of the early Cold War in Britain.

This dissertation addresses the history of antibiotic use in British and US food production between 1950 and 2013. Introduced to agriculture in the 1950s, antibiotics underpinned the 20th-century revolution in Western food production. However, from the late 1950s onwards, controversies over antibiotic resistance, residues and animal welfare began to tarnish antibiotics' image. By mapping both the enthusiasm and the controversies surrounding antibiotic use, this dissertation shows how distinct civic epistemologies of risk influenced consumers', producers' and officials' attitudes towards antibiotics. These differing risk perceptions did not emerge by chance: in Britain, popular animal welfare concerns fused with new scenarios of antibiotic resistance and drove reform. Following 1969, Britain pioneered antibiotic resistance regulation by banning certain feed antibiotics. However, subsequent reforms were only partially implemented, and total antibiotic consumption failed to sink. Meanwhile, scandals and public pressure forced the American FDA to install the first comprehensive monitoring program for antibiotic residues. However, differing public priorities and industrial opposition meant that the FDA failed to convince Congress of resistance-inspired bans. The transatlantic regulatory gap has since widened: following the BSE crisis, the EU phased out growth-promoting antibiotic feeds in 2006. The US proclaimed only a voluntary and partial ban of antibiotic feeds in December 2013. In the face of contemporary warnings about failing antibiotics, the dissertation shows how one group of substances acquired different meanings for different communities. It also reveals that the dilemma of antibiotic regulation is hardly new. Despite knowing about antibiotic allergies and resistance since the 1940s, no country has managed to solve the dilemma of preserving antibiotics' economic benefits whilst containing their medical risks. Historically, effective antibiotic regulation emerged only when differing perceptions of antibiotics were broken down either by sustained regulatory reform or large crises.