Understanding how change occurs in lesser developed countries, particularly in Latin America has been the subject of a prolonged theoretical academic debate. That debate has emphasized economics more that politics in general and predictability over unpredictability in the Latin American region. This paper challenges these approaches. Explaining change requires an examination of the politics of public policy as much as its economic dimensions. Second, change in the Latin American region may be less predictable than it appears. Scholars maintain that change in Latin America occurs when contending elites negotiate it. Their power comes from the various resources they possess. Change, therefore, is not expected to occur as a function of regime change per se. This paper considers the treatment of education policy in Nicaragua during the regimes of the dynastic authoritarianism of Anastasio Somoza Debayle (1967-1979), the revolutionary governments of the Sandinistas (1979-1990), and the democratic-centrist government of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (1990-1996). The central research question is: When regimes change, do policies change? The methodology defines the independent variable as the regime and education policy as the dependent variable. It posits three hypotheses. The right-wing regime of Somoza was expected to restrict both the qualitative aspects and the financing of education; (2) the left-wing regimes of the Sandinistas were hypothesized to have expanded both; and (3) the democratic-centrist regime of Chamorro was expected to have both expanded and restricted certain aspects of education policy. Several chapters describe these regimes' expansive or restrictive education strategies. A comparative analysis of these 26 years demonstrates several variables' effect over time. An OLS regression and a times series analysis specifies the relationship between regime change and percent of GDP each regime devoted to education. Both the statistical and qualitative findings of this study confirm the hypotheses. The study reveals that, as regimes changed, education strategies and policies changed. Such findings challenge some current thought about political behavior with respect to Latin American development in particular and development theory in general.

This thesis examines the rise of image culture in the 1920’s and its impact on American national identity. I demonstrate that, perhaps surprisingly, the central figure in these debates was not a past or present prominent American but instead an indeterminate Other which is read in ambivalent ways and for varied purposes. It is the central claim of this project that in order to trace the modern American subject that emerges from the 1920s national rift, one must attend to the ways in which a felt need to view and position oneself in relation to “the Other” was essential to defining the nature and future of the nation. More specifically, I argue that the film Grass: A Nation’s Battle for Life (1925) offers a solution to this national divide by providing viewers a popular culture form of “evidence” of the Westerner’s capacity to exhibit both premodern and modern qualities. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2014. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

This thesis builds from press accounts of Bruce Springsteen’s South by Southwest keynote address, taken by many to be a renewed call to arms of the classic mantras of the rock ethos in the age of a declining recording industry. In tracing the ways the speech circulated I argue that its discourse was rearticulated toward quite different (and concerning) ends. Throughout, I aim to show the apparatuses of power that sustains the rock liberation fantasy. I read the coverage of Springsteen’s address as a therapeutic discourse meant to soothe the anxiety over the closure of agency in the age of neoliberalism. The general problematic for the thesis, then, addresses an anxiety over the collapse of freedom and as such works to offer broad reflections on the nature of radical agency in our increasingly neoliberal present. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2017. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

許慶豫. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 346-364) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Xu Qingyu. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 346-364) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

In this dissertation, the phrase 'Christian Citizen' refers to those Christians who possess a strong sense of identity, believing in Christianity and upholding the corresponding faith while fulfilling civic responsibility and loving one's country. Through gathering and investigating into the personal letters, works and reports and so on of Liu, this dissertation renders an in-depth exploration of Liu's analysis on national character, views on citizenship and his blueprint of the Civic Education Movement. More importantly, Liu did not resort to empty talk but walked the talk, integrating faith with daily life. Throughout his whole life, including, in the early days, the Career Guidance Movement and his work at the Y.M.C.A., his presidency at the University of Shanghai and fmally the righteous action in defending against Japanese invasion during the latter days, the quality of Liu, in being loyal to one's nation, displaying care and concern for the society, living out and walking one's faith whole-heartedly was evident. His life manifested the unification of the roles and functions of a Christian citizen of one's nation, with Christian citizenship vividly lived out. Special investigation would be made into a rarely noted work headed by Liu, Y.M.C.A.'s Civic Education Movement in the 1920s, under the slogan 'Saving Nation through Character'. The origins, effectiveness and characteristics of the Movement would be explored. This study concludes with revealing, through Liu's life, the characteristics of being a Christian citizen and examines the choice of the advocators of 'Saving Nation through Character'. / There is a saying: "One more Christian, one fewer Chinese". It implies a conflict between an Ascribed Identity (Chinese) and an Achieved Identity (Christian). The former is an inherited and irreversible blood relationship while the latter is acquired after birth, being a self-converted social role. Undeniably, conflict of identities brought about bewilderment and impact to Chinese Christians in late Qing and Early Republican eras, causing identity crisis. Role identification is a process of getting to know oneself in terms of cognition, attitude and behavior, affecting daily life and instilling meaning of life. Quite a number of researches in the past emphasized the mental struggle and torture suffered by Chinese Christians under the seemingly incompatibility of the two identities. However, identity crisis is by no means impossible to do away with or integrated. This research attempts to show that ascribed identity and achieved identity can be integrated harmoniously through identify negotiation. The case of Liu Zhan-en (1896--1938) clearly demonstrated roles of being a citizen on earth and that of heavenly kingdom need not be an either-or option. Christians are not only citizens of the eternal heavenly kingdom, but also contemporary citizens on earth. One can live in serving the Lord with piety while obeying legal requirements stipulated by the government. Devoted and sound citizenship could be harmoniously integrated to be 'Christian Citizen'. / 黃錦暉. / Adviser: Yuen Sang Leung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-252). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Huang Jinhui.

梁偉明. / 論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部,1995. / 參考文獻: leaves i-ix (5th group) / Liang Weiming. / Chapter 一、 --- 前言 --- p.1-8 / Chapter 二、 --- 政治取向探索期(1946 ´ؤ 1954) --- p.9-32 / Chapter 一一 --- 中文中學復員的困難和分裂 / Chapter 一一 --- 中文中學面對的困難 / Chapter (1) --- 辦學經費 / Chapter (2) --- 師資與敎材 / Chapter (3) --- 學生出路 / Chapter (4) --- 會考課程與辦學方針 / Chapter 一一 --- 小結 / Chapter 三、 --- 經濟需求促變期(1955 ´ؤ 1965) --- p.33 -53 / Chapter 一一 --- 政治民族意識的消磨 / Chapter 一一 --- 中文中學面對的困難 / Chapter (1) --- 學生出路 / Chapter (2) --- 學生流失 / Chapter (3) --- 資金和校舍 / Chapter (4) --- 敎材與課程 / Chapter (5) --- 工業發展對資源分配的壓力 / Chapter (6) --- 香港中文大學的成立 / Chapter 一一 --- 小結 / Chapter 四、 --- 學術目標轉向期（1966-1975 ) --- p.54 -81 / Chapter 一一 --- 中文敎育新路向 / Chapter 一一 --- 中文中學面對的困難 / Chapter (1) --- 學生流失 / Chapter (2) --- 中國語文課程的困局 / Chapter (3) --- 來自政府的壓力 / Chapter (4) --- 中文的地位 / Chapter ´ؤ一 --- 小結 / Chapter 五、 --- 新生角色醞釀期(1976 ´ؤ 1982) --- p.82 ´ؤ107 / Chapter 一一 --- 中文中學面對的困難 / Chapter (1) --- 在學人數縮減 / Chapter (2) --- 僑校意識、政治意識的淡化 / Chapter (3) --- 來自考試的壓力 / Chapter (4) --- 第二次中文運動 / Chapter (5) --- 混亂的語文現象 / Chapter ´ؤ´ؤ --- 新角色的思考 / Chapter ´ؤ´ؤ --- 小結 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論 --- p.108´ؤ118 / 附錄一：中文、中英文中學學校及學生數目一覽表 / 附錄二：國內中學與香港一般中學課程比較表 / 附錄三：1951年頒佈之香港中文中學高中畢業會考中文科課程內容 / 附錄四：〈曾钰成校長訪問稿〉 / 附錄五：1872-1982年創校，現在仍然運作的中文中學一覽表 / 參考書目 / 中文 --- p.i-vi / 英文 --- p.vii-ix

Yun Wai Foo. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-169). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / CONTENTS --- p.1 / TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.2 / Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.3 / Problem of Culture in the Cultural Revolution --- p.3 / History of Print and Read in the Cultural Revolution： A Social Prelude to Maoism --- p.14 / Chapter II. --- HEGEMONY AND BOOK PRINTING IN COMMUNIST CHINA --- p.26 / Ideological Determination and Book Industry --- p.26 / Book Printing in the Cultural Revolution --- p.32 / Chapter III. --- SOCIOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE IN THE PRC --- p.44 / Knowledge in the PRC --- p.44 / Inefficacy of cultural reproduction in the cultural revolution --- p.52 / Chapter IV --- HISTORY OF READING IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION --- p.74 / Collective Memory and the Cultural Revolution --- p.74 / Chinese Reading Myth： Simply Read Marx ？ --- p.81 / What People Read ？ Alternative Reading in Communist China …… --- p.97 / How People Read? The Way and War to Knowledge --- p.115 / Construction of Intellectual Network in the Cultural Revolution --- p.122 / Chapter V --- CONCLUSION --- p.134 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.139

The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced. The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging. The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of History

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