More than a confined account of the musical activity of the Chicano Movement, my research considers Chicana/o music of the period as a critical part of the protest music genres of Latin America (eg. Nueva canción, canto nuevo) and the Unites States (eg. labor/union and civil rights songs). Consequently, although situated squarely within the context of the Chicano Movement, this project necessarily examines the musical yet political links between Chicano musicians and their counterparts in the American labor movement, Civil Rights Movement, and Latin American social movements of the period. Coupled with the mobilization of their own Mexican musical and cultural traditions, Chicano musicians engaged these other repertoires of struggle to form the nexus of Chicana/o musical expression during the Movement. By viewing Chicana/o music within this broader lens, my research demonstrates that the complexities of the movimiento and Chicana/o political struggle cannot be adequately understood without thinking about how Chicano cultural producers engage a diversity of other race, ethnic, and regional struggles. Rather than assume a homologous relationship between music and identity, my research historicizes musical practices in the context of their struggle for political, social, and cultural rights and resources and the strategies employed by diverse communities working together to overcome the failures of governmental and institutional programs. The creative dialogues and musical exchanges that occurred among Chicano musicians suggest not only forms of ethnic solidarity but also the culturally “hybrid” expressions that shape even nationalist movements. Key to this approach is recognizing the simultaneously global and local character of Chicana/o musical production, where the flows of transnationalism circulated not only ideas, peoples, and sounds, but also political struggles. This project thus raises a number of critical questions about Chicano Movement music and its political import. Ultimately, I suggest that it was the ability to perform authoritatively within the bi-cultural and increasingly transnational space of the Chicano experience that empowered movimiento music to express the feelings of autonomy engendered by the Movement. / text

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The people making ceramics were considered as "artisans" (gongjiang) in traditional China. Classifying ceramics as an "art" (meishu) and potters as "artists", was a new development in the twentieth century. This thesis examines this process by comparing the experience of artisans from Jingdezhen, Jiangxi province, in which the imperial kilns (yuyao) were located, and from Shiwan, Guangdong province, where only civilian kilns (minyao) were found. / This thesis argues their different historical background led to the differences in their different experience. The reputation of Jingdezhen's world famous "imperial kilns" lasted into the twentieth century, and so, as Jingdezhen was subject to industrial development and technological upgrading, Jingdezhen's craftsmen came from the new technical schools which were founded to revive the ceramic industry. In Shiwan, by contrast, apprenticeship to reputable craftsmen continued to serve as artistic credential, and was made use of by patrons, commentators and publicists in promoting Shiwan's artistic tradition. / 黎麗明. / Adviser: David Faure. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-192) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Li Liming.

This project analyzes the sexual and gender politics of flight attendants, especially the men who did this work, since the 1930s. It traces how and why the flight attendant corps became the nearly exclusive domain of white women by the 1950s, then considers the various legal battles under the 1964 Civil Rights Act to re-integrate men into the workforce, open up greater opportunities for African-Americans, and liberate women from onerous age and marriage restrictions that cut short their careers. While other scholars have emphasized flight attendants' contributions in battling sexism in the courts, this project is unique in expanding such consideration to homosexuality. Male flight attendants' status as gender pariahs in the workforce (as men performing "women's work")--combined with the fact that many of them were gay--made them objects of "homosexual panic" in the 1950s, both in legal proceedings and in various forms of extra-legal intimidation. A decade later, aspirant flight attendants were participants in some of the first cases brought by men under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. Their victories in the courts greatly benefited the gay community, among others, which thereby enjoyed greater freedom to enter a highly visible, public-relationsoriented corporate career. As such, my project helps to recast the legal legacy of the civil rights movement as a three-pronged reform, confronting homophobia as well as racism and sexism. Beyond legal considerations, Manhood Up in the Air also examines how both labor unions and the airlines negotiated a legal environment and public sentiment that largely condoned firing homosexuals, while nonetheless accommodating gay employees. This form of accommodation existed in the 1950s, though much more precariously than in the post-Stonewall decade of the 1970s. Thus, the project records the pre-history to the current reality, in which both corporations (with airlines at the forefront) and labor unions have become core supporters of the contemporary gay rights movement. / text

Agricultural development has long been the biggest challenge faced by governments or rulers of many countries and regions, be it in the past or at present. It affects the various political, social and economic development aspects of a country or region. Based on various long-term and short-term social needs, the authorities have attempted to find a suitable balance, searching constantly for feasible methods to manage agriculture, in the hope of harmonising the interests of peasant households, consumers and the ruling class through administrative measures. This has resulted in continuous adjustments in agricultural policies and effectively affected the development of agriculture as well as the well-being of farmers and the general public. / As an entrepot, Hong Kong had very little arable land. The number of people engaged in farming, either directly or indirectly, was dwarfed by the consumer population. How to provide the large population with sufficient food, enabling it to be a driver behind economic development? This question became an important political issue for the Hong Kong colonial government for more than 100 years. Sino-British relations fluctuated considerably after the Second World War and this made agricultural development a thorny problem for the colonial government. In the course of studying 60 years of agricultural development, the most striking impression is that the Hong Kong colonial government was totally involved in agricultural production in the New Territories through the systematic promotion of the cooperative movement involving production, transport and marketing. This had made contribution to Hong Kong's unique political and social environment. / This thesis reconstructs the agricultural history of Hong Kong in the post-war period. It explores the profound influence that the Agricultural Cooperative Movement has on the political ecosystem of the villages in the New Territories, economic efficiency and human relations in rural communities. / 陳煜禮. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 226-230). / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0713. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 226-230). / Chen Yuli.

In July 1979, Nigeria's federal military government declared a 100% takeover of select operations belonging to the London-based oil company, British Petroleum (BP). The takeover of BP marked the takeover of Nigeria's most lucrative industry that had been controlled by foreign investors. Within the secondary literature a more elaborate version of this event is offered by scholars, declaring it nationalization with little agreement over why this "Giant of West Africa" nationalization BP. Some mention South Africa, others Southern Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe); some mention oil, while others solely discuss UK diplomacy. Why the discrepancy over the reason for nationalization? This project sets out to explain not only why Nigeria nationalized BP in 1979, but also how the nationalization fits into the broad theoretical discussions on nationalism, economic policy, foreign relations, and nationalization. It challenges the popular narrative of why Nigeria nationalized BP and substantially revises it. The argument is put forward that the nationalization of BP hinged almost entirely on the notion of economic nationalism and that the nationalization fit into an established trend of takeovers aimed at foreign companies. The federal military government simply used southern Africa --discussed as the sole reason for nationalization within the secondary Literature-- as a way to bolster international support. This project also project uses the nationalization as a looking-glass into Nigeria and its oil industry during the 1970s. Also, this project addresses the impact the nationalization had on Nigerian society. With regard to nationalism, Nigeria represents an excellent case for understanding the existence and application of economic nationalism, which functions not only as a subject of study much like ethnic nationalism or civic nationalism, but also as a new perspective on the relationship between the various expressions of nationalism and economic policy.

World War II was a time of great changes. Many aspects of American society underwent profound shifts but one predominant part of American culture did not change -- theaccepted roles of women. The government documentary films of World War II reveal attitudes, ideas, and assumptions which not only reinforced traditional roles but also reflected theresistance to gender-role alterations. Women during the war were not only shaped by such cultural messages but many subscribed to them wholeheartedly. The films emphasize twospecific images of women -- Susie Homemaker and Rosie the Riveter -- and also reflect society's image of women as homemakers first and war workers second. This double vision,reflected throughout the documentary films became the catalyst which maintained women in traditional roles and, in turn, rejected attempts to alter those roles in any significant way.This study uses the vehicle of World War II documentaryfilms, utilizing the World War II Historical Film Collection, Bracken Library, Ball State University (the largest collection outside the National Archives), the Office of War Information papers, and extensive secondary research, to investigate the images of women during the war years. / Department of History

Rapid industrialization, breakthroughs in science and technological development have ushered in an era regarded as a technocratic age. The advent of a technocratic age has necessitated the acquisition of technologically appropriate knowledge, skills and attitudes, and consequently it has become necessary to establish education systems that fulfil the demands set by technocratic age principles. Present-day education is typified by technocratic age imperatives which include meritocracy, specialization, vocationalism, professionalism and scientism. Technocratic age education is further characterized by mass education, free and compulsory education and greater bureaucratic control of education. In technocratic age education systems, entrance examinations are used to select learners for advanced education and training. It would appear that this takes place with little regard for the learner's personal worth or meeting the learner's distinctive needs. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (History of Education)

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Women have been part of modern revolutions since the American Revolution against Great Britain. Most descriptions and analyses of revolution relegate women to a supporting role, or make no mention of women's involvement at all. This work differs from prior efforts in that it will explore one possible explanation for the successes of three revolutions based upon the levels of women's support for those revolutions. An analysis of the three cases (Ireland, Russia, and Nicaragua) suggests a series of hypotheses about women's participation in revolution and its importance to revolutions' success.