This practice-based creative writing doctorate supports the creation of a novel that is in part, historical fiction, based on research focusing on the discrepancies in the perceived status of women between the pre-Victorian and the postmillennial periods in India. The accompanying component of the doctorate, the analytical thesis, traces the course of this research in connection to the novel's structural development, its narrative complexity and its characters. The novel traces the journey of two women protagonists - each placed in the 18th- and the 21st-centuries, respectively - as they reconcile to the realities of their individual circumstances. The introduction to the critical thesis gives a brief synopsis of the novel. It also explains the rationale behind the approaches used in the novel, and in adopting a post-postcolonial and progressive voice throughout the fictional work. The first chapter in the critical thesis demonstrates how findings from the primary and secondary research have been applied to inform the writing of the novel. It also explains the influence of the Indian oral narrative tradition and its related approaches on the creative process with regards to the novel. The second chapter briefly surveys traditional assumptions about the liberal attitudes to female sexuality in ancient and pre-Victorian India through literary examples. It identifies possible reasons for the changing status of women in contemporary Indian society, specifically in Kerala, which forms part of the settings in the novel. The third chapter in the thesis examines Ambilli's process of self-acceptance or making peace with her past trauma. It draws on the Indian notion of karma, the folktales and storytelling tradition of south India, which believes in the philosophy that stories are one of the means by which women can reconcile to reality. The fourth chapter elaborates upon the narrative devices used in the novel; its metafictional element and the inspiration for it. The thesis concludes by analysing the process of the writing practice and places it within the context of the aims of the research subject: the changing status of women in India over the past three centuries with regards to their sexuality. Finally, the study contributes to contemporary literature by bringing to light some fascinating aspects of the public role of women in ancient and pre-Victorian India as well as some lesser-known historical incidents, and re-interpreting these in the novel in an engaging and informative narrative.

This thesis explores how Palestinian youth in Lebanon construct their identities in the context of statelessness. Specifically, the study examines how Palestinian youth in south Lebanese refugee camps and gatherings understand and perform their identities vis-à-vis nationality, gender and religion; how the discursive resources of identity are appropriated and articulated in everyday life within the camps and how Palestinian identities in Lebanon have shifted across exilic generations, all in the absence of formal state structures. Acknowledging that Palestinian young men and women are meaningful actors in their own right, I have engaged in interpretivist inquiry and sought to capture and reconstruct the subjective meanings placed on social life by Palestinian youth in Lebanon through a case study. Given this methodological perspective, I have used semi-structured interviews, focus groups and Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) approaches as research methods within this study. In light of the vulnerability of Palestinians as a refugee population situated within the larger context of Western imperialism and colonialism in the Middle East, I have drawn on post-structuralist, post-colonialist and feminist theoretical frameworks to interrogate the data. The findings of this study show that Palestinian youth in Lebanon construct their identities through nationalist discourses of shared history, kinship, culture and religion. This is accomplished over time through the production and reproduction of symbolic systems in and through the institutional sites of the school, the family, political organizations, the media and religious institutions. Through these processes, Palestine is constructed as different from 'Other' nations and 'Palestinian-ness' as distinct from 'Other' national identity positions. However, the processes of national signification described above produce identities that are in a constant state of flux and transformation across time and space. Moreover, internal contestations are produced, particularly in relation to religion, gender and generation, which trouble and problematize the notion of a singular and homogenous Palestinian identity. The case study research presented in this thesis explores how Palestinian young people come to understand themselves and learn to navigate their lives both in relation to and in distinction from external 'Others' and dominant 'imaginings' of 'Palestinian-ness'.

A pesquisa aqui apresentada tem como tema principal a análise da correspondência relativa à missão jesuíta no Tibet, de 1624 a 1635, já publicada. Nosso corpus documental é composto por seis cartas: três do Padre Antônio de Andrade (1624, 1626, 1627) e as demais de João Cabral (1626), Estevão de Cacela (1627) e Francisco Azevedo (1631). Pretendemos analisar as descrições dos budistas tibetanos presentes nas cartas e relacioná-las com as estratégias defendidas e desenvolvidas no Tibet durante este primeiro período de estabelecimento da Companhia de Jesus no teto do mundo. Como documentação subsidiária, utilizaremos outras cartas e documentos anteriores e contemporâneos à missão abordada aqui, tais como cartas de jesuítas da missão Mogol. / The main goal of the present research is the analysis of the tibetan mission mail trade, from 1624-35, wich were already published. The documents to be analysed are three letters from Padre Antônio de Andrade (1624, 1626, 1627), plus João Cabrals (1626), Estevão de Cacelas (1627) and Francisco Azevedos (1631). Our intention is to analyse the descriptions of the tibetan budhists, as they appear in the letters, and then relate them with the methods of convertion that took place in the tibetan mission during this first period of Jesuit settling in the roof of the world. As adicional documentation, we used former and later letters and documents from the mughal mission.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a atuação do Partido Comunista da Índia (Maoísta) entre os anos de 2007 e 2010, quando este passou por um período de institucionalização e militarização, consolidando-se em termos de inserção popular nas regiões de Dandakaranya e Lalgarh, qualificando seus métodos de combate armado ao Estado indiano. Fundado no ano de 2004, o PCI (Maoísta) é o maior expoente da guerrilha naxalista, um grupo de maoísta revolucionários que combatem o governo na Índia e chegou a ser considerado “a maior ameaça interna do país”, por isso o governo treinou e equipou diferentes forças paramilitares para combater os guerrilheiros. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, foi resgatada a história do comunismo no subcontinente indiano até a criação do movimento naxalista, destacando a trajetória dos maoístas revolucionários e as divergências entre os diferentes grupos surgidos durante os anos 1960 e 1970. No segundo capítulo, são analisados os adivasis, principal grupo social que compõe o Partido, além de revoltas instigadas e apoiadas pelos revoltosos. No terceiro capítulo, são investigadas algumas respostas organizadas pelas forças governamentais em nível estadual e do governo central com o objetivo de deter e derrotar os guerrilheiros. No quarto capítulo, são analisados os conceitos de partido, pois o próprio PCI (Maoísta) se reivindica enquanto partido político e de ideologia, explorada pelos naxalistas para divulgar seus ideais e construir sua rede de apoio. / This work is focused on operation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) between the years 2007 and 2010, when it passed for a period of institutionalization and militarization, consolidating itself in terms of popular inclusion in the regions of Dandakaranya and Lalgarh, qualifying their methods of armed combat to the Indian State. Founded in 2004, the CPI (Maoist) is the greatest exponent of the naxalite guerrilla, a group of revolutionary Maoist fighting the government in India and came to be considered “the greatest internal threat of the country”, so the government trained and equipped various paramilitary forces to combat the guerrillas. The work is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter was rescued the history of communism in the Indian subcontinent until the creation of naxalite movement, highlighting the history of the revolutionary Maoists and the differences between the different groups that emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. The second chapter analyses the adivasis, main social group that makes the Party, and riots instigated and supported by the rioters. The third chapter investigated some organized response by government forces at the state level and the central government in order to deter and defeat the guerrillas. In the fourth chapter analyses the party concepts, because the CPI (Maoist) itself is claimed as a political party and ideology, exploited by Naxalite to publicize their ideas and build your support network.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a atuação do Partido Comunista da Índia (Maoísta) entre os anos de 2007 e 2010, quando este passou por um período de institucionalização e militarização, consolidando-se em termos de inserção popular nas regiões de Dandakaranya e Lalgarh, qualificando seus métodos de combate armado ao Estado indiano. Fundado no ano de 2004, o PCI (Maoísta) é o maior expoente da guerrilha naxalista, um grupo de maoísta revolucionários que combatem o governo na Índia e chegou a ser considerado “a maior ameaça interna do país”, por isso o governo treinou e equipou diferentes forças paramilitares para combater os guerrilheiros. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, foi resgatada a história do comunismo no subcontinente indiano até a criação do movimento naxalista, destacando a trajetória dos maoístas revolucionários e as divergências entre os diferentes grupos surgidos durante os anos 1960 e 1970. No segundo capítulo, são analisados os adivasis, principal grupo social que compõe o Partido, além de revoltas instigadas e apoiadas pelos revoltosos. No terceiro capítulo, são investigadas algumas respostas organizadas pelas forças governamentais em nível estadual e do governo central com o objetivo de deter e derrotar os guerrilheiros. No quarto capítulo, são analisados os conceitos de partido, pois o próprio PCI (Maoísta) se reivindica enquanto partido político e de ideologia, explorada pelos naxalistas para divulgar seus ideais e construir sua rede de apoio. / This work is focused on operation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) between the years 2007 and 2010, when it passed for a period of institutionalization and militarization, consolidating itself in terms of popular inclusion in the regions of Dandakaranya and Lalgarh, qualifying their methods of armed combat to the Indian State. Founded in 2004, the CPI (Maoist) is the greatest exponent of the naxalite guerrilla, a group of revolutionary Maoist fighting the government in India and came to be considered “the greatest internal threat of the country”, so the government trained and equipped various paramilitary forces to combat the guerrillas. The work is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter was rescued the history of communism in the Indian subcontinent until the creation of naxalite movement, highlighting the history of the revolutionary Maoists and the differences between the different groups that emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. The second chapter analyses the adivasis, main social group that makes the Party, and riots instigated and supported by the rioters. The third chapter investigated some organized response by government forces at the state level and the central government in order to deter and defeat the guerrillas. In the fourth chapter analyses the party concepts, because the CPI (Maoist) itself is claimed as a political party and ideology, exploited by Naxalite to publicize their ideas and build your support network.

Este trabalho tem como tema central a atuação do Partido Comunista da Índia (Maoísta) entre os anos de 2007 e 2010, quando este passou por um período de institucionalização e militarização, consolidando-se em termos de inserção popular nas regiões de Dandakaranya e Lalgarh, qualificando seus métodos de combate armado ao Estado indiano. Fundado no ano de 2004, o PCI (Maoísta) é o maior expoente da guerrilha naxalista, um grupo de maoísta revolucionários que combatem o governo na Índia e chegou a ser considerado “a maior ameaça interna do país”, por isso o governo treinou e equipou diferentes forças paramilitares para combater os guerrilheiros. O trabalho está estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, foi resgatada a história do comunismo no subcontinente indiano até a criação do movimento naxalista, destacando a trajetória dos maoístas revolucionários e as divergências entre os diferentes grupos surgidos durante os anos 1960 e 1970. No segundo capítulo, são analisados os adivasis, principal grupo social que compõe o Partido, além de revoltas instigadas e apoiadas pelos revoltosos. No terceiro capítulo, são investigadas algumas respostas organizadas pelas forças governamentais em nível estadual e do governo central com o objetivo de deter e derrotar os guerrilheiros. No quarto capítulo, são analisados os conceitos de partido, pois o próprio PCI (Maoísta) se reivindica enquanto partido político e de ideologia, explorada pelos naxalistas para divulgar seus ideais e construir sua rede de apoio. / This work is focused on operation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) between the years 2007 and 2010, when it passed for a period of institutionalization and militarization, consolidating itself in terms of popular inclusion in the regions of Dandakaranya and Lalgarh, qualifying their methods of armed combat to the Indian State. Founded in 2004, the CPI (Maoist) is the greatest exponent of the naxalite guerrilla, a group of revolutionary Maoist fighting the government in India and came to be considered “the greatest internal threat of the country”, so the government trained and equipped various paramilitary forces to combat the guerrillas. The work is divided into four chapters. In the first chapter was rescued the history of communism in the Indian subcontinent until the creation of naxalite movement, highlighting the history of the revolutionary Maoists and the differences between the different groups that emerged during the 1960s and 1970s. The second chapter analyses the adivasis, main social group that makes the Party, and riots instigated and supported by the rioters. The third chapter investigated some organized response by government forces at the state level and the central government in order to deter and defeat the guerrillas. In the fourth chapter analyses the party concepts, because the CPI (Maoist) itself is claimed as a political party and ideology, exploited by Naxalite to publicize their ideas and build your support network.

A pesquisa aqui apresentada tem como tema principal a análise da correspondência relativa à missão jesuíta no Tibet, de 1624 a 1635, já publicada. Nosso corpus documental é composto por seis cartas: três do Padre Antônio de Andrade (1624, 1626, 1627) e as demais de João Cabral (1626), Estevão de Cacela (1627) e Francisco Azevedo (1631). Pretendemos analisar as descrições dos budistas tibetanos presentes nas cartas e relacioná-las com as estratégias defendidas e desenvolvidas no Tibet durante este primeiro período de estabelecimento da Companhia de Jesus no teto do mundo. Como documentação subsidiária, utilizaremos outras cartas e documentos anteriores e contemporâneos à missão abordada aqui, tais como cartas de jesuítas da missão Mogol. / The main goal of the present research is the analysis of the tibetan mission mail trade, from 1624-35, wich were already published. The documents to be analysed are three letters from Padre Antônio de Andrade (1624, 1626, 1627), plus João Cabrals (1626), Estevão de Cacelas (1627) and Francisco Azevedos (1631). Our intention is to analyse the descriptions of the tibetan budhists, as they appear in the letters, and then relate them with the methods of convertion that took place in the tibetan mission during this first period of Jesuit settling in the roof of the world. As adicional documentation, we used former and later letters and documents from the mughal mission.

This dissertation traces a series of cultural negotiations through which the Parsis, a community of ethnic Zoroastrians, fashioned themselves into ‘modern’ citizens in the setting of colonial Bombay. It examines the ways Parsis negotiated change in a number of personal spheres such as their dress, deportment, dining and domesticity as well as the ways the community managed internal groupings such as Persian Zoroastrian refugees and the Parsi poor in the landscape of Bombay. It proposes that it was this unusual, simultaneous fashioning at the levels of the personal and the broader community, that turned the series of negotiations into a project of self-fashioning. It argues that it is in these cultural and intra-communal domains of self-fashioning that we see some of the more difficult negotiations, as well as the inner tensions, that the Parsi model of modernity entailed at the different levels of Parsi society.

This thesis analyses the nation-building work that the Indian Army undertook during the military administration of Malaya, 1945-6. This was a two-part process, taking in military-led relief work and a political reform scheme. Historians have conducted little work on the Indian Army’s role in the British return to empire in Malaya, thus the army’s crucial and nuanced role has been overlooked. This limits the understanding of the army’s institutional development and role in Malayan nation-building between 1945-6. This thesis redresses this. It argues that the military administration of Malaya encapsulated the culmination of wartime changes to the role of the Indian Army fighting soldier. Whereas before the war the Indian Army found it expedient to keep its soldiers isolated from current affairs, British experience during the Second World War instead suggested that soldiers educated in current affairs could be very effective. Concurrently, British military leaders began to think on the role of the Indian Army and its men after the war. They concluded that the Indian Army’s soldiers could become catalysts of national political and social development, and initially identified this as a role for the army in post-war India. Furthermore, it was felt that the Indian Army could contribute both to the Commonwealth and United Nations ideals. The return to Malaya encapsulated these changes to the conception of the Indian Army soldier and was a practical expression and measure of these. The soldiers became agents of political change, imperial re-entrenchment and administration – which this thesis terms ‘soldier-administrators’. The Indian Army, it is argued, was deployed consciously as a nation-building force, using the new thinking on the role of Indian Army soldiers. In so doing, the Indian Army partook in targeted schemes for military relief, political reform and nation-building to try to build the new Malayan nation.

In the decade following the Asian-African Conference of 1955, the communist government of the People’s Republic of China took unprecedented interest in its relations with countries in the Middle East. China’s leaders formed particularly strong ties first with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Egypt, then, beginning in 1958, with the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), which at that time was engaged in a bitter struggle for independence from France. The bonds that developed between China and Egypt and between China and Algeria were strengthened by a shared commitment of the governments of these countries to carry out “revolutions” that would challenge Western preeminence in global affairs and establish their own societies as independent voices on the world stage. The common ideological heritage of these three revolutionary countries allowed their leaders to forge connections that went beyond mere expressions of mutual support. Sino-Arab relations in the 1950s and 1960s cannot be explained by a realist narrative of attempts to exert power or influence through high-level diplomacy; rather, the evolving relationships between China and its Arab allies demonstrate how three countries could co-opt one another’s experiences to define and articulate their own nationalist identities on behalf of domestic audiences. This thesis pays particular attention to two constituencies that played a central role in mediating the development of Sino-Arab relations: Chinese Muslims and Arab leftists. Focusing on publications about Sino-Arab relations written by or intended for members of these two groups makes clear the manners in which domestic ideological concerns shaped the development of international relationships. Sino-Egyptian and Sino-Algerian relations between 1955 and 1965 were primarily symbolic. The perception of international amity gave journalists, policymakers, intellectuals, and religious figures free rein to expound their own distorted interpretations of Chinese and Arab society in order to promote their own ideological causes. These causes, which varied over the course of the decade, included the incorporation of Chinese Muslims into Chinese politics, the conferral of revolutionary legitimacy on Nasser’s government, the celebration of China as a champion of global revolution, the legitimization of the FLN, and the presentation of China as a fully anti-imperialist country in contrast to the Soviet Union. Each of these projects had in common the enduring goal of transforming how citizens of China, Egypt, and Algeria perceived their own national identity.