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“Race in a Godless World” examines the racial thought of atheists in Britain and the United States from about 1850 to 1914. While there have been no comprehensive studies of atheists' views on race, there is a trend in the historiography on racial thought, which I have described as the “Race-Secularization Thesis,” that suggests a link between the secularization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and an increase in nineteenth-century racialism – that is, racial essentialism and determinism – as well as resulting racial prejudice and discrimination. Through a study of both leading and lesser-known atheists and freethinkers, I argue that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” needs to be reconsidered. A simple link between secularization and racialism is misleading. This is not to suggest that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” contains no truth, only that secularization did not inevitably lead to racialism. This dissertation helps to tell a more complex and nuanced story about the relationship between atheism and racial thought. While in some cases, nineteenth-century atheists and freethinkers were among the leading exponents of racialist views, there is an alternative story in which the atheist worldview – through its emphasis on rationality and skepticism – provided the tools with which to critique ideas of racial prejudice, racial superiority, and even the concept of race itself.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The division of labor in households is an important topic in marital relationships. Families are not static; they are in a constant state of change. Employment, individual family members’ schedules, and religious beliefs can impact how couples divide household tasks. This particular study draws on in-depth interviews of four married couples from American Baptist churches to explore how couples within this type of church divide household tasks. The interviews focused on the management of second- and third-shift household tasks, as well as childcare. The purpose of obtaining this information was to see if the way American Baptist couples handle second-, third-shift duties, and childcare is more consistent with general population couples or more consistent with Evangelical/Conservative couples. Husbands and wives were interviewed separately to obtain individual thoughts and opinions. The interviews revealed that when it comes to second-shift tasks and child care, American Baptist couples are more in line with general population couples. As far as third-shift duties, Evangelical, general population, and American Baptist couples are all currently handling in very similar ways with the female performing the majority of third-shift tasks.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ederson_Fernando_Milan_dos_Santos.pdf: 2096224 bytes, checksum: 798619c5fa7958f19a9a8cfbd30f8c51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / The overall objective of this dissertation is to analyze the interpretations built on the concepts of frontier, capitalism and democracy, from the works of some intellectuals who have studied the subject, applying these concepts to their respective models, in this case, refers to the USA case and the Brazilian case. The specific objectives involve describing Frederick Jackson Turner's concept of frontier, based on his most famous essay, The Significance of the Frontier in American History; analyzing how Turner develops the concept of democracy, based on the social relations established at the frontier; identifying the authors who have studied the issue, analyzing their works in the context in which they were produced, seeking reference in the work of Brazilian authors who have studied the subject of the frontier and of democracy, among them, Otávio Velho, José de Souza Martins, Cassiano Ricardo, as well as observing how the capitalist development took place in Brazil, from labor relations engendered at the frontier, following the assumptions of the works of Otávio Velho and José de Souza Martins. The work is theoretically grounded on the methodology of the Conceptual History in dialogue with History of Ideas, intending to point out the relationship between these authors, the context in which their works were produced and how is possible the production of knowledge from the analysis of interpretations of the expansion process of the frontier in the United States and on Brazil, and how these interpretations form the basis for the construction of ideas on the development of democracy and capitalism in these two countries / O objetivo geral dessa dissertação é analisar as interpretações construídas sobre os conceitos de fronteira, capitalismo e democracia, a partir das obras de alguns intelectuais que estudaram sobre o assunto, aplicando esses conceitos aos seus respectivos modelos, que neste caso, diz respeito ao caso estadunidense e ao caso brasileiro. Os objetivos específicos envolvem descrever o conceito de fronteira de Frederick Jackson Turner, a partir de seu mais famoso ensaio, O Significado da Fronteira na História Americana; analisar como Turner desenvolve o conceito de democracia, a partir das relações sociais estabelecidas na fronteira; identificar os autores que estudaram o tema, analisando suas obras no contexto que foram produzidas, buscar referência na obra de autores brasileiros que estudaram o tema da fronteira e da democracia, entre eles Otávio Velho, José de Souza Martins, Cassiano Ricardo, assim como observar como o desenvolvimento capitalista ocorreu no Brasil, a partir das relações de trabalho engendradas na fronteira, seguindo os pressupostos das obras de Otávio Velho e José de Souza Martins. O trabalho é teoricamente embasado a partir da metodologia da História dos Conceitos em diálogo com a História das Ideias, visando traçar as relações entre esses autores, o contexto em que suas obras foram produzidas e como é possível a produção do conhecimento a partir da análise das interpretações dos processos de expansão da fronteira nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil, e como essas interpretações formam a base para a construção de ideias sobre o processo de desenvolvimento da democracia e do capitalismo nesses dois países

On April 9, 1940, Germany invaded Denmark. Instantly, the fate and status of Greenland, a Danish colony, was thrust into limbo. During the war, Greenland’s vital mineral resources and location made it significant for the warring parties on both sides of the Atlantic. However, conflicting international corporate and political interests made any act to defend the island on the part of the Allies, or the officially neutral Americans, problematic. Within a year of the Danish occupation, the American government had signed an agreement for the defense of Greenland, extending the protection of both the Monroe Doctrine and the American military to the island. This action was an important step in the formal expansion of American influence in the Western Hemisphere that occurred during the Second World War. This thesis argues that global economic, political, and technological changes led to Greenland’s increased geopolitical significance and set the stage for a shift in the balance of power within the North Atlantic Triangle. It demonstrates how decisions relating to the security of the island came to be made and how conflicting interests within and between governments affected the genesis of the occupation. It explores how Winston Churchill’s decision to mine the North Sea led to the American occupation of Greenland and examines the ways in which the effects of Churchill’s actions raised concerns in Canada about the possibility of a British defeat, which in turn led Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime Minister, to align his foreign policy closer to that of the United States’ President Roosevelt. This thesis also asserts that Roosevelt successfully used the potential foreign occupation of Greenland to demonstrate to the American public the dangers of foreign conflicts to the United States and to further his hemispheric security objectives both domestically and abroad. These events had a profound and lasting impact on the relationships within the North Atlantic Triangle and on political identity in Greenland, and signalled an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States toward greater American involvement in world affairs.

This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 8, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / I examined a panel of all 50 states over a period of 30 years between 1981 and 2010, estimating a random effects model to examine the relationship between the party of a state’s governor and changes in pretax and transfer income inequality. Though the literature has quite consistently shown that income inequality increases more quickly under Republican governors or when policies favored by Republicans are implemented, I find no evidence to support this, though this is perhaps because I did not allow a long enough lag time for new policies to have an effect. I did, however, find that pretax income inequality increases more quickly under Democratic presidents than under Republicans, in spite of the fact that all previous research shows the opposite to be true. I suspect that this unusual finding is the result of a quirk in my 1981-2010 time frame, namely the effects of the shift in welfare policy under the Clinton administration in the 1990s.