The breakthrough of the concept of economic growth in economics marks a paradigm shift in thinking about the economy and its place in 'reality.' This thesis analyzes the 20th century discourse of economic growth, focusing its unlimited connotations. The thesis consists of four case studies, two introductory parts and a concluding dis­cussion. Part II first gives an etymological outline of how the concept 'growth' transformed: from signifying natural processes, to become crucial within economics. The main focus is on the historiography around Adam Smith and the classical economists as 'fathers of growth.' It is argued that though Smith introduced new ideas on eco­nomic prosperity, it is anachronistic to view him as 'father of growth' in terms of modern economic discourse. The difference between conception of economic progress in classical economics - with a 'stationary state' - and the post-war concept of economic growth - without absolute limits - is interpreted by sketching four periods in economics regarding the issue of limits. Finally the label 'dismal,' often used for classical economics, is reinter­preted. The neoclassical 'Self and classical 'Other' is seen as a useful construction for legitimizing the growth discourse. Part III deals with economic thought at the turn of the century 1900. There were different ideas on what relative priority to address to individuals and communities as the basis of economy, as well as disagreements over how to organize economic policy to solve the 'social issue.' However, these differences did not result in different views on economic expansion per se. Neither to left- nor right-wing advocates was economic expansion an objective. Rather, economic expansion was a means to construct and manage a welfare state, and thus solve the social issue. If welfare could be distributed by expanding the total, there would be no sacrifices. The way economic growth was perceived in the early development discourse is studied in Part IV. The idea of unlimited growth is framed within a Western understanding of development and progress, and it is shown that hegemony on economic growth formed. Development economics made use of new and fashionable growth models, and thereby gained influence in policy. Development was reduced to economic development, which was reduced to economic growth. With a few modifications, this version of development and progress was to be implemented globally - 'no limits' became a master narrative. Part V analyzes the debate on economic growth in the 1960s and 70s. The environmental issue gave rise to thoughts on ecological limits, and thus had a key role in designating economic growth and growth ideology as a scapegoat within a longer tradition of civilization critique. As a response, professional economists put up a uni­ted defense for growth, and a polarized debate followed. Different basic assumptions underlying the polarized positions are analyzed, and the concept modernist economic ethos is introduced to explain the polarization at a fundamental level. In the dominant discourse, critics were called pessimists, and advocates were optimists. It is argued that these value-laden labels reveal the power of language and point at a trap of discourse. Economic growth and ecological sustainable development is analyzed in Part VI, and the focus is on crisis responsive economists. Two different conceptions of the economic system are found among these. The first is the economy as free-floating, which by technical inventions is minimally restricted by ecological boundaries. The second is the economy as a dependent subsystem restricted by fundamental ecological limits. Conception of the system is conclusive for understanding economic growth and its environmental effects. The free-floating approach allows the concept of 'sustainable growth,' while the subsystem approach makes it contradictory. Part VI includes a continued discussion on the power of language, and the dichotomy of pessimism and optimism. 'Optimism' is a eulogy, and works normatively. The pessimist label has functioned, at best, as a 'discourse trap;' at worst, as a means of exclusion. In Part VII results from the case studies are summarized, and general results with implications are presented. The post-war discourse on economic growth is connected to 'ecomodernism.' Three explanations for the intro­duction and strong appeal of the discourse of unlimited economic growth are introduced: the internal cause (economic theory), the external cause (context), and the professionalization cause (connecting the internal and external). The thesis ends in a discussion on growth, language and power in the context of modernism and progress. / digitalisering@umu

This study compares the National Economy concept as it is employed in Friedrich List&rsquo / s works with its theoretical reflections among Ottoman intelligentsia, particularly in Ziya G&ouml / kalp. The effects of National Economy on the Ottoman thought is examined by bearing in mind two journals: T&uuml / rk Yurdu and Iktisadiyat Mecmuasi. The field of application of National Economy is explicated by an analysis of the first steps towards industrialization, especially after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. It attempts to find answers to the questions as to how and to what degree the theoretical development of National Economy affected the Ottoman economic policies implemented.

This thesis has two main objectives. First, it accomplishes a detailed critical reading of Michel Foucault’s writings on the archaeology of knowledge, focusing on the emergence of political economy. Second, it explores some possibilities opened up by his work for a rethinking of the historiography and methodology of economics. The first results from the fact that there have been very few assessments of his archaeology of economics, not only in economics itself, but also in the fields of philosophy and history of thought in general. Although it may be possible to find some applications in economics of notions and concepts introduced by him, this has mostly been done without a detailed critical analysis of his writings. Thus, it is considered here that it is first necessary to go back to his writings and to develop a very careful reading of them in order to be able to explore them in a second stage. As for the second, the main argument is that his archaeology has important contributions that are still missing by economists. The study is developed in two parts. The first part is dedicated to a meticulous reading of the The Archaeology of Knowledge and The Order of Things, ending up with an assessment. Part II develops an analysis of his contributions in three areas of research in economics: methodology of economics, historiography of economic thought, and studies on Adam Smith’s context. This analysis is considered itself an important contribution of this thesis. Chapter 3 situates Foucault’s perspective and system among other current interests in economic methodology, comprising basically three parts. First, it identifies one common fundamental question underlying some of these interests, that is, whether there is an underlying configuration in knowledge that permits us to think what we think in economics in a certain moment in time and space. It is argued that Foucault’s archaeology makes important contributions to this strand. Second, it compares his approach to the current interest in rhetorical studies in economics. Third, it gives special attention to the historiography of economic thought through the investigation of the interplay between the notion of the ‘episteme’ and the Kuhnian concept of ‘paradigm’. Chapter 4 explores and assesses his archaeology of political economy in The Order of Things and briefly indicates some of the important ideas provided by him in his lectures at the Collège de France in 1978-79, which give some hints for the possibility of investigating the current epistemic context underlying economics. The last chapter concentrates on Smith’s writings on language and rhetoric, the methodological conception underlying his writings, and the notion of invisible hand, according to Foucault’s system. This latter essentially shows the potentiality for his system to improve the level of consciousness of our past and emphasizes that it opens up a series of possibilities of further and interesting inquiries. The thesis concludes with an appraisal of Foucault’s contribution and additional issues for further enquiry.

This dissertation attempts to integrate the household and children more fluidly into measures of well-being in the past. In part one, I develop a Monte Carlo simulation to test some of the assumptions of Allen’s welfare ratio methodology. These included his assumptions that family size was constant over time, that there were no female-headed households and that women and children did not participate in the labour force. After all of the adjustments, it appears that Allen’s welfare ratios underestimate the welfare ratios of a demographically representative group of families, especially if women and children’s labour force participation is included. However, the predicted distributions also highlight the struggles of agricultural labourers, who are given separate consideration. Even the average agricultural labourers’ family with women and children working would have had to rely of self- provisioning, gleaning, poor relief or the extension of the working year to make ends meet at the poorest point in their family life cycle. Part two adjusts Floud et al.’s estimates of calorie availability in the English economy from 1700 to 1909 for the costs of digestion, pregnancy and lactation. Taken together, these three additional costs reduced the amount calories available by around 15 per cent in 1700 but only by 5 per cent in 1909 because of the changing composition of the English diet. Part three presents a new adaptive framework for studying changes in children’s growth patterns over time and a new methodology, longitudinal growth studies, for measuring gender disparities in health in the past. An adaptive framework for understanding growth provides a more parsimonious explanation for the vast catch-up growth achieved by slave children in the antebellum American South. The slave children were only able to achieve this catch-up growth because they were programmed for a tall height trajectory by relatively good conditions in utero. Finally, impoverished girls experienced greater catch-up growth than boys in two schools in late-nineteenth century Boston, USA and early-twentieth century London, suggesting that girls were deprived relative to boys before entering these institutions.

Trois agglomérations majeures caractérisent le système territorial bolivien en concentrant près de la moitié de la population et des emplois nationaux. Ce constat amène à s’interroger sur le rôle économique de cette tripolarisation territoriale face au succès économique de Potosi et Tarija, territoires riches en ressources naturelles. Dans ce travail, nous examinons l’actuelle tripolarisation par l’étude de l’histoire économique de l’émergence de ces trois pôles, puis en examinant les données économiques les plus récentes, de manière à expliquer les forces et les faiblesses de ce tripôle. Chacun des pôles se localise dans un contexte géographique original. La Paz où siège le gouvernement se situe dans la région montagneuse des hauts plateaux à l’Ouest. Santa Cruz, à environ 900 km de La Paz, se localise à l’Est, au centre des plaines amazoniennes. Cochabamba se situe entre les deux, dans les vallées intermédiaires du centre. Cette tripolarisation est relativement récente : la hiérarchie urbaine, longtemps dominée par une ville primatiale n’a donné une configuration tripolaire qu’au cours du dernier demi-siècle. La situation actuelle résulte en partie du cadre particulier de l’émergence du tripôle, liée aux territoires disposant des ressources naturelles ; l’analyse est conduite à partir d’indicateurs d’activité économique et du rôle international de ces territoires. L’approche économique, combinée avec des éléments géographiques, démographiques, historiques, politiques et de développement humain, permet de mettre à jour deux logiques distinctes, mais qui se complètent d’une manière originale : une forme de domination territoriale du tripôle La Paz – Cochabamba – Santa Cruz, à la fois permise et fragilisée par le rôle clé de l’exploitation des richesses naturelles de Potosi et Tarija / The Bolivian urban system is outstanding : three major cities concentrate about half of the nation’s population and employment. Their territories’ trajectories lead us to question their economic role in the face of the successful economic achievement of Potosi and Tarija, territories well endowed in natural resources. We wanted to highlight the Bolivian current territorial tripolarization, firstly by studying its emergence, through the study of their economical history; secondly, by investigating the most recent economical data in order to display the strengths and weaknesses of this tripolarized system. Each component of the tripole is situated in a different geographical setting. In the West, La Paz, where the government is based, belongs to a mountainous region of high plateaus; in the East, Santa Cruz, 900 km distant, belongs to the central area of Amazonian plains, whereas Cochabamba rests between those two, in the region of intermediate valleys. This tripolarization is recent ; Urban hierarchy previously dominated by a major city is now characterized by three of them ranking first in this hierarchy. The specific emergence of such a system in Bolivia, together with the abundance of natural resources in certain territories, contributes to explaining the current situation, which has been analyzed using indicators of economical activity and of the international role of the territories. This economical approach combined with geographical, demographical, historical, political and human development elements, helps us to disclose two different but complementary logics: a kind of territorial domination of La Paz - Cochabamba - Santa Cruz, permitted though made vulnerable by the exploitation of natural resources in Potosi and Tarija / El sistema territorial boliviano se caracteriza por la presencia de tres grandes conglomerados urbanos que concentran cerca de la mitad de la población y del empleo nacional. A partir de este hecho se plantea la interrogante sobre el rol económico que tiene este trípolo territorial en un contexto favorable para Potosí y Tarija, ricos en recursos naturales. Se estudia el surgimiento de estos tres conglomerados urbanos, a través la historia económica y de los indicadores económicos más recientes. El objetivo es evaluar tanto las fortalezas como las debilidades del trípolo. La Paz, Santa Cruz y Cochabamba se ubican cada uno en un contexto geográfico diferente. La Paz, sede de gobierno, esta rodeado de montañas, en el Altiplano, al oeste. Santa Cruz, aproximadamente a 900 Km. de La Paz, se encuentra en la Amazonía, al este. Cochabamba se sitúa entre ambos, en los Valles, en el corazón del país. Esta tripolarización es relativamente reciente. En el transcurso del último medio siglo, el ranking urbano pasó de una ciudad que predominaba a una configuración tripolar. Este cuadro de análisis combina el surgimiento del trípolo y la existencia de territorios ricos en recursos naturales, y nos permite comprender los fundamentos del contexto territorial actual que analizamos a partir de indicadores de la actividad económica y del rol internacional de los polos bolivianos. La visión económica de esta situación integra elementos geográficos, demográficos, históricos, políticos y de desarrollo humano, que nos permiten pensar dos lógicas distintas pero que se combinan de manera original: una forma de dominación territorial del trípolo La Paz- Cochabamba- Santa Cruz, al mismo tiempo fortalecida pero también fragilizada por el rol que ocupa la explotación de recursos naturales de Potosí y Tarija

Economics plays a significant role in decision-making in contemporary western societies, but its role is increasingly questioned. A recurring topic among the challenges raised by critics is that economics as a discipline lacks sufficient pluralism. That is, it fails to enable, encourage, and respect the use of different ontologies, methodologies, theories, and/or schools of thought to study economic reality. Has this been a productive critique? Does talk about pluralism help identify genuine problems in the discipline? Pluralism in economics could draw support from the current consensus in philosophy that pluralism in science is a good thing. I argue, however, that the claim that economic research is insufficiently pluralist is unlikely to convince economists who believe economics is already pluralist enough and that it does not offer unambiguous recommendations for change. This is because there are too many legitimate ways to interpret how pluralism maps to practice. There are numerous variables that pluralist ideals might focus on-the things that they seek multiple rather than one of-and different interpretations of how many of those variables economics has in practice. Yet, as I go on to argue, this does not mean that talk of pluralism is entirely beside the point, since the reasons pluralists offer for their ideals do help to identify genuine problems in economics. The social epistemic strategies that arguments for pluralism recommend point us to three concrete issues in the way economic research is organised: gender imbalances, a steep internal hierarchy, and a dismissive attitude to outsiders. I show that economic research could be more progressive, representative of the interests of those in society, accepted, and legitimate and less likely to fall into bias if the discipline alleviated its gender imbalances, if it were less hierarchical, and if it had a healthier relationship with outsiders. In chapter 1, I outline the debate about pluralism in economics and explain how my thesis utilises a novel approach to social epistemology to offer a way out of the impasse in which that the debate presently resides. In chapter 2, I explain the different philosophical arguments for pluralism in science and categorise them using the variables they focus on and the reasons they give for pluralism. In chapter 3, I argue that interpreting pluralism as a particular arrangement of variables for economics to attain does not lead to unambiguous recommendations for change because it leaves too much open. Yet, I go on to argue, in chapter 4, that drawing on the reasons for pluralism can provide a set of heuristics for piecemeal evaluations of the social epistemic practices in economics. In chapters 5, 6, and 7, I apply these heuristics to economics. I provide evidence that [a] women are outnumbered in economics and face an adverse environment in the discipline, that [b] economics is steeply hierarchical, and that [c] economists form an in-group that assumes superiority and frequently dismisses outside voices. I argue that these three features of economic research block avenues for productive forms of feedback (mechanisms that help to challenge, justify, and refine scientific knowledge), block the interests of certain perspectives being heard, and block public scrutiny of the decisions made by economists.

[pt] Com este trabalho, pretende-se estudar e confrontar os pressupostos antropológicos e teológicos de duas diferentes concepções de economia: os da economia atualmente preponderante, calcada no individualismo e no utilitarismo e os de um novo modelo econômico recente e bem menos conhecido, de raízes cristãs, a Economia de Comunhão (EdC). Paradoxalmente, a EdC é ainda pouco conhecida em meio católico e assim esta dissertação toma também para si a tarefa de contribuir para um seu melhor entendimento. Estamos muito distantes de conceber a EdC como um novo modo de agir econômico, uma nova forma de gestão empresarial ou de economia solidária, buscando mostrar, isto sim, que a EdC é sobretudo uma opção antropológica e espiritual que transborda estes territórios, desembocando na prática empresarial e deitando suas raízes em uma específica concepção do ser humano. O trabalho inclui uma descrição da própria EdC, suas origens, características e implicações teológicas, sua história e pré história, sua identidade e missão, bem como as visões críticas a seu respeito. Como parte indispensável, a dimensão propriamente antropológico-teológica da EdC e a concepção típica da antropologia teológica cristã em geral serão estudadas e comparadas. / [en] The aim of this work is to study and confrontate the anthropological and theological bases of two different concepts of economy: that currently practicized, based on individualism e and utilitarianism and another one, based on a quite recent and less known model, the Christian rooted Economy of Communion (EoC). It may sound as a contradiction, but the EoC remains a less known phemomenon among catholics, e so this dissertation assumes as its task do contribute to a better understanding of EoC. We are very far from concepting EoC as a new way of economical action, a new form of managegment or of solidary economy. On the contrary, we try to show that EoC is above all an anthropological and spiritual option that overflows such fields, in the direction of manamagent practice – and having its roots in a specifical conception of the human being. Our work includes a description of EoC itself, its origens, characteristics and theological implications, its history and a e pré-history, its identity and missão, as well as the critical points of view against her. As a mandatory part of our study, the properly anthropological and theological dimensions of EoC and the typical conception of Christian theology in general will be studied and compared.

The regulation of hedge funds has been at the centre of a global policy debate for much of the past decade. Several factors feature in this debate including the magnitude of current global investments in hedge funds and the potential of hedge funds to both generate wealth and destabilise financial markets. The first part of the thesis describes the nature of hedge funds and locates the work in relation to four elements in existing theory including regulatory competition theory, the concept of differential mobility as identified by Musgrave, Kane’s concept of the regulatory dialectic between regulators and regulatees, and the concept of unique sets of trust and confidence factors that individual jurisdictions convey to the market. It also identifies a series of questions that de-limit the scope of the present work. These include whether there is evidence that regulatory competition occurs in the context of the provision of domicile for hedge funds, what are the factors which account for the current global distribution of hedge fund domicile, what latitude for regulatory competition is available to jurisdictions competing to provide the domicile for hedge funds, how is such latitude shaped by factors intrinsic and extrinsic to the competing jurisdictions, and why do the more powerful onshore jurisdictions competing to provide the domicile for hedge funds not shut down their smaller and weaker competitors? The second part of the thesis examines the regulatory environment for hedge funds in three so-called offshore jurisdictions, specifically the Cayman Islands, Bermuda and the British Virgin Islands, as well as two onshore jurisdictions, specifically the United Kingdom and the United States. The final section presents a series of conclusions and their implications for both regulatory competition theory and policy.

This thesis examines the measurement, applications and properties of consumer inflation expectations in the context of eight European Union countries: France, Germany, the UK, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Sweden. The data proceed mainly from the European Commission's Consumer Survey and are qualitative in nature, therefore requiring quantification prior to use. This study first seeks to determine the optimal quantification methodology among a set of approaches spanning three traditions, associated with Carlson-Parkin (1975), Pesaran (1984) and Seitz (1988). The success of a quantification methodology is assessed on the basis of its ability to match quantitative expectations data and on its behaviour in an important economic application, namely the modelling of wages for our sample countries. The wage equation developed here draws on the theoretical background of the staggered contracts and the wage bargaining literature, and controls carefully for inflation expectations and institutional variables. The Carlson-Parkin variation proposed in Curto Millet (2004) was found to be the most satisfactory. This being established, the wage equations are used to test the hypothesis that the advent of EMU generated an increase in labour market flexibility, which would be reflected in structural breaks. The hypothesis is essentially rejected. Finally, the properties of inflation expectations and perceptions themselves are examined, especially in the context of EMU. Both the rational expectations and rational perceptions hypotheses are rejected. Popular expectations mechanisms, such as the "rule-of-thumb" model or Akerlof et al.'s (2000) "near-rationality hypothesis" are similarly unsupported. On the other hand, evidence is found for the transmission of expert forecasts to consumer expectations in the case of the UK, as in Carroll's (2003) model. The distribution of consumer expectations and perceptions is also considered, showing a tendency for gradual (as in Mankiw and Reis, 2002) but non-rational adjustment. Expectations formation is further shown to have important qualitative features.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser les contributions de Clément Colson à la science économique dans le but de mieux connaître sa pensée, de mieux connaître l’École libérale française au début du XXème siècle, d’étudier l’influence qu’a pu avoir cet auteur sur ses principaux élèves, Divisia, Roy et Rueff, et d’évaluer l’actualité de certaines de ses recommandations.Le premier chapitre montre quels sont les apports théoriques de Colson à la science économique.Pour ses élèves, son principal apport serait la théorie de la détermination conjointe du salaire et du taux d’intérêt. Nous montrerons que cette théorie est proche de la règle de gestion optimale en microéconomie attribuée à Clark ; nous verrons alors que l’on peut parler de découverte multiple.Colson est également intéressant au point de vue de la méthode utilisée. Nous verrons alors qu’il utilise les statistiques et les mathématiques dans ses développements : il est à l’origine d’une évaluation pionnière du revenu de la France, son enseignement impulse le calcul économique, il peut être considéré comme un précurseur de l’économétrie en France. Le deuxième chapitre montre que Colson développe la méthode de tarification des voies de communication exploitées en monopole de Jules Dupuit en proposant des moyens pratiques de révélation des préférences. Nous verrons également que cette théorie est reprise de nos jours avec le Yield Management et par les compagnies aériennes à bas coûts. Le troisième chapitre a pour but de voir comment Colson prend en compte la question sociale. Nous verrons qu’il défend une intervention de l’État plus importante que d’autres économistes libéraux afin d’éviter que les ouvriers ne se tournent vers le socialisme. Le quatrième chapitre étudie l’intervention de l’État préconisée par Colson dans le domaine des chemins de fer. Nous verrons que dans ce domaine où l’État est très présent, l’auteur souhaite le limiter. Il préfère ainsi la concession à la régie et souhaite la construction de nouvelles lignes uniquement si elles sont rentables. Nous verrons qu’à nouveau, la crainte du socialisme n’est pas étrangère à ses positions. Sur chacun des thèmes, nous verrons que Colson accorde à la pratique une place importante. Au niveau théorique tout part de l’observation et se termine par l’observation, au niveau pratique il est marqué par les préoccupations de son époque. / The object of this dissertation is to analyse the contributions of Clément Colson to the economics in order to be better acquainted with his thought, with the French Liberal School at the beginning of the 20th century, to see the influence he had on his main students, Divisia, Roy and Rueff, and to evaluate the actuality of his recomandations. The first chapter develops the Colson’s theoretical contributions.For his students, his main contribution would be the theory of the joint setting of wage and of the interest rate. We will explain this theory is close to the optimal management rule in microeconomics attributed to Clark; we will see we can speak then about multiple discovery.Colson is interesting too from the point of view of the method used. We will see he uses statistics and mathematics in his developments: he makes one of the first assesments of the French income, his lectures develop economics calculus, he can be seen as a precursor of econometrics in France. The second chapter shows that Colson develops the Jules Dupuit pricing method for means of communications exploited by a monopoly by proposing practical way of preferences revelation. We will show too that this theory is used nowadays with the Yield Management and by airline lowcost companies.The third chapter has for purpose to see how Colson takes into account the social question. We will see he argues for a more important State intervention than other liberal economists in order to avoid workers to turn to socialism. The fourth chapter is devoted to the State intervention recommended by Colson in the field of railways. We will see that in this field in which the State is very present, the author wishes to limit it. So he prefers the concession to the public exploitation and wishes construction of new railway lines just if they are profitable. We will see again that the fear of socialism is not stranger to his positions. On each theme, we will see that Colson gives an important place to the practice. At the theoretical level all starts and finishes with the observation, at the practice level he is influenced by the preoccupations of his time.