Thesis (D. Min.)--Abilene Christian University, 1991. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 228-230).

Thèse (M.A.)--Université de Sherbrooke (Canada), 2008. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 1 février 2007). In ProQuest dissertations and theses. Publié aussi en version papier.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Anthropology, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-06, Section: A, page: 2211. Advisers: Anya P. Royce; Eduardo Brondizio. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed June 21, 2007)."

The dissertation explores the relationship between gender and professions with a historical sociological analysis of the sociology profession in Sweden, Britain and the US. The theoretical framework draws upon three conceptual terrains: professions, organizations and gender. A variety of sources are utilized, such as published and unpublished material, interviews, available statistics, auto/biographies and archival material. The aim of the dissertation is twofold. First, it seeks to add to theorizing about the relationship between gender and professions by exploring the ways in which the emergence, organization of and knowledge production in an academic profession interrelates with gender. Second, the dissertation considers how gender is interrelated with the historical development of sociology as a profession. A revised concept of the “professional project” - which involves historically specific strategies of occupational closure - is used as an analytical tool to examine gendered processes of exclusion and demarcation that occurred in the three national histories of sociology. The dissertation considers three dimensions that are central to that framework of analysis - professional associations, academic departments and sociological canon – to explore how the restructuring of gender relations varied in different organizational spheres and over time. Although both women and men were involved in the sociological movement that preceded the emergence of the sociology profession, men came to dominate the institutional arenas such as sociology departments and professional associations. The conception of sociology as a field excluded the previous work of women, and some men, whose work did not fit the new agenda of objective science. Despite the fact that sociology as a profession institutionalised in different periods in Sweden, Britain and the US, until the late 1960s women were largely absent from higher posts in professional associations, sociology departments and the sociological canon. Also in all three sociology fields, there were social movements and women’s professional organizations that sought to bring women into the sociology profession and to put gender research on sociological agenda. Of the three arenas linked to the professional project, i. e. professional associations, academic departments and sociological canon, my analysis shows that women have made the greatest inroads in professional associations in terms of broadening the associations’ membership and representation as well as institutionalising gender caucuses and programs into the associations. Academic departments, where the production of future professionals and most knowledge takes place, have been slower to change. Finally, despite notable achievements in gendering sociological theory and research, gender has not yet become fully integrated into sociological canon.

No description available.

<p> John Taylor was an ex-slave and Civil War veteran who settled in Southwest Colorado in the early 1870s. Taylor claimed that he was "the first white man to settle the Pine River Valley." Taylor was not passing for white and his claim was never a rejection of his African American self. Taylor's claim emerged out of a unique racial niche available to a handful of African Americans who appeared in the Southwest borderlands during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This study, using family oral histories and archival documents, looks at two historically situated social forces operating in the formation of his identity. The first includes what Omi and Winant describe as "racial projects." A number of the racial projects of the "frontier" created in some cases a racial divide, which buffered the oppression of African Americans because whiteness was based on not being regarded as an American Indian, "Mexican" or Asian. This racial dynamic was one of the social forces informing the logic of Taylor's claim. Indigenous culture and language constituted a second influence on Taylor's identity, particularly indigenous articulations of whiteness and the concept of the black white man. In previous studies focusing on the African American experience in the West, the concept of the black white man received little attention by historians. Even the history concentrating on the interaction between American Indians with the African Diaspora have not fully explored this concept, nor has it been considered in looking at the formation of white identity in North America. One of the unique contributions of this study is to seriously consider indigenous voices from a variety of sources, which include oral history and tribal languages, in the construction of identity. John Taylor's claim that he was a black white man remains a prime example of how one's identity takes form, changes and persists within the context of social historical structures.</p>

<p> Roman Catholic immigrants to the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries faced multiple issues as they attempted to acculturate into their new nation. Distrusted by Protestant-Americans for both their religion and their ethnicity, they were further burdened by the biases of their own church leadership. The Catholic leadership in the United States, comprised of earlier-arrived ethnic groups like Irish and Germans, found the Catholicism of the new arrivals from Europe and Mexico to be inferior to the American style. American bishops dismissed the rural-based spirituality of the immigrants, with its reliance on community festivals and home-based religion, as "superstition" and initially looked to transform the faith of the immigrants to more closely align with the stoic, officious model of the U.S. church. Over time, however, the bishops, with guidance from the Vatican, began to sanction the formation of separate "ethnic" parishes where the immigrants could worship in their native languages, thereby both keeping them in the church and facilitating their adjustment to becoming "Americans."</p><p> Additionally, immigrants to the western frontier helped transform the Catholicism of the region, since the U.S. church had only preceded their arrival by a few decades. Catholicism had been a major presence in the region for centuries due to Spanish exploration and settlement, but American oversight of the area had only been in place since 1848. Thus, the Catholic immigrants were able to establish roots alongside the American church and leave their imprint on frontier Catholicism. As the city of Pueblo, Colorado industrialized in the 1870s and 1880s large numbers of immigrant laborers were drawn to the city's steelworks and smelters. Pueblo's position on the borderlands established its reputation as a multicultural melting pot, and the Pueblo church ultimately incorporated many of the religious practices of the immigrants while at the same time facilitating their acculturation to American society through its schools, orphanages, and social-service organizations. The story of Pueblo's Catholic immigrants and their formation of a new ethnic identity is a microcosm of the American immigrant experience.</p>

<p> The Emergency Immigrant Education Act of 1984 (EIEA) was passed by the 98th U.S. Congress to provide funds to states to "meet the costs of providing immigrant children supplementary educational services" (Emergency Immigrant Education Act of 1984, Title VI, Sec. 607). This study analyzes the culture, values, and political context in which the Emergency Immigrant Education Act of 1984 was developed, passed, and amended through its most recent reauthorization. EIEA is the only federal legislation that specifically targets new immigrant students. However, EIEA has been largely overlooked by education policy analysts, because new immigrant students are rarely considered as different from limited English proficient (LEP) students. The study employs historical document and content analysis, applying Kingdon's (2011) theoretical framework of agenda-setting and Manna's (2006) concept of borrowing strength to explain EIEA's path to the agenda. In addition, it applies McDonnell and Elmore's (1987) policy framework to EIEA to understand how policymakers sought to realize EIEA's goals, as well as that of Wirt, Mitchell, and Marshall (1988) to identify the cultural and political values revealed in the rhetoric of the legislation. In tracing EIEA's 30-year route, I describe how the nature of the legislation changed from a primarily capacity-building policy to more of an inducement. In addition, the study revealed a change in an egalitarian culture to one that emphasizes quality.</p>

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, School of Historical Studies, 2009. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 279-352)

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Education, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 13, 2010). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-12, Section: A, page: 4602. Advisers: Dionne A. Danns; Barry L. Bull.