No description available.

The subject of this study is the compilation of an Old English homiliary contained in the companion volumes, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 419 and the original portions of 421 (together designated N in this thesis), written as a hitherto unidentified centre in the first half of the eleventh century. The collection comprises twenty-three Old English homilies: seven by AElfric, six by Wulfstan, and ten of unknown authorship. It is of particular significance as a witness to the use of anonymous homilies in the eleventh century. I provide a commentary on the anonymous homilies, discuss the textual affiliations of the collection as a whole, and investigate its place of origin. A detailed examination of the two manuscripts provides information about the exemplars from which they were copied and the uses to which they were put. I demonstrate that N was a popular collection - it contains corrections and revisions by at least twenty-one different hands - and that it travelled to Exeter at a time when Old English manuscripts were still in use. Eight of the anonymous homilies in N have been edited by A. S. Napier, <i>Wulfstan: Sammlung der ihm zugeschriebenen Homilien</i> (Berlin, 1883), but have never been fully discussed. The ninth has not been adequately edited (it was edited from a single manuscript by A. O. Belfour, <i>Twelfth-Century Homilies in MS Bodley 343</i>, EETS o.s. 133 (London, 1909) as homily VI). I provide an edition from all the surviving manuscripts as an appendix. The unpublished variants of one manuscript of the tenth anonymous homily (edited by Bruno Assmann, <i>Angels&aacutechsische Homilien und Heiligenleben</i>, Bibliothek der angels&aacutechsischen Prosa 3 (Kassel, 1889) as homily XI) are listed in a second appendix. I describe the sources of each anonymous homily and show how the homilist has used those sources. I also establish the textual relationship of all surviving manuscripts of the homilies and show how each homily has developed in the course of transmission. The textual relations and development of the homilies by AElfric and Wulfstan are described more briefly. The language of all the homilies is discussed in a separate chapter. As a result of these investigations I demonstrate that N was compiled from eleven different exemplars, some of which had already enjoyed a considerable history by the eleventh century. The collection was compiled to provide basic Christian instruction, which is given added urgency by an insistence on the imminence of judgement. I conclude that it was assembled at a small monastery dominated by Canterbury influences - probably the unknown monastery which the manuscript Cambridge, Trinity College, B.15.34 (containing a collection of AElfric's homilies) travelled to in the Anglo-Saxon period.

This study examines English eschatological homilies of the later twelfth century and their adaptation of both Anglo-Saxon traditions and sources introduced after the Norman Conquest. Later and non-homiletic texts are also discussed when these give clues to the continued prevalence of Anglo-Saxon and twelfth-century eschatological traditions in the later Middle Ages. Chapter 1 introduces the eschatology of the Anglo-Saxon homilists, describes English homily manuscripts written ca. 1150–1200, summarizes scholarly opinions on these texts, and details the author’s approach to the texts’ eschatological ideas. Chapter 2 examines the ‘Visit to the Tomb’ motif, which deeply influenced Anglo-Saxon depictions of individual mortality. Two early Middle English texts––Lambeth III and a treatise on the vices and virtues––contain versions of the motif that indicate a familiarity with the earlier homilies, though they also adapt the ‘Visit to the Tomb’ in new ways. The Old English texts in British Library, Cotton Vespasian D. xiv are the focus of Chapter 3. These include a description of the coming of Antichrist, the first English text of the ‘Fifteen Signs before Doomsday,’ and a typological interpretation of the Babylonian captivity. These pieces draw on both the Old English homilists and works unknown in England until ca. 1100, suggesting that twelfth-century English homilists did not sense any tension in combining ideas from pre- and post-Conquest traditions. Chapter 4 describes the Middle English reflexes of two Doomsday motifs common in the Old English homilies––the ‘Three Hosts of Doomsday’ and the ‘Four Angels of Judgment.’ The persistence of such motifs in later medieval England raises the possibility of a significant influence of Old English works on Middle English homiletic eschatology. The Conclusions section addresses this issue in further detail and suggests avenues of future research, while restating the importance of the twelfth-century homilies for the study of medieval English religious literature.

This study examines English eschatological homilies of the later twelfth century and their adaptation of both Anglo-Saxon traditions and sources introduced after the Norman Conquest. Later and non-homiletic texts are also discussed when these give clues to the continued prevalence of Anglo-Saxon and twelfth-century eschatological traditions in the later Middle Ages. Chapter 1 introduces the eschatology of the Anglo-Saxon homilists, describes English homily manuscripts written ca. 1150–1200, summarizes scholarly opinions on these texts, and details the author’s approach to the texts’ eschatological ideas. Chapter 2 examines the ‘Visit to the Tomb’ motif, which deeply influenced Anglo-Saxon depictions of individual mortality. Two early Middle English texts––Lambeth III and a treatise on the vices and virtues––contain versions of the motif that indicate a familiarity with the earlier homilies, though they also adapt the ‘Visit to the Tomb’ in new ways. The Old English texts in British Library, Cotton Vespasian D. xiv are the focus of Chapter 3. These include a description of the coming of Antichrist, the first English text of the ‘Fifteen Signs before Doomsday,’ and a typological interpretation of the Babylonian captivity. These pieces draw on both the Old English homilists and works unknown in England until ca. 1100, suggesting that twelfth-century English homilists did not sense any tension in combining ideas from pre- and post-Conquest traditions. Chapter 4 describes the Middle English reflexes of two Doomsday motifs common in the Old English homilies––the ‘Three Hosts of Doomsday’ and the ‘Four Angels of Judgment.’ The persistence of such motifs in later medieval England raises the possibility of a significant influence of Old English works on Middle English homiletic eschatology. The Conclusions section addresses this issue in further detail and suggests avenues of future research, while restating the importance of the twelfth-century homilies for the study of medieval English religious literature.

This thesis provides a descriptive study of element-order (or word-order) within clauses in a corpus drawn from Ælfric's Catholic Homilies and Supplementary Homilies. A sample of 11,543 clauses has been analysed, divided into fourteen clause categories. A survey of element-order within each clause category is presented, with copious examples and full statistics. Attention is paid both to the order of single elements in relation to the verb phrase, and to patterns of clause order. An extensive description of the position of adverbial elements is included. Discussion includes a comparison of the rhythmic and non-rhythmic prose of Ælfric, showing that though there is broad similarity between the two styles, significant differences do exist. The results obtained reveal many regularities or marked tendencies in element-order, as well as a substantial measure of stylistic freedom.

The primary aim of the present study is to give a semantic/conceptual analysis to the genitive case in Old English (= OE) within a Cognitive Grammar (=CG) framework (specifically Langacker's version; Langacker 1987, 1991) and explain the diversity of its use (adnominal, adverbal, adjectival, prepositional, and adverbial), as constituting a coherent network, wherein all variants share a unified semantic structure. My analysis is partly based on Roman Jakobson's (1936/1971) study on the Russian case system, which is recast and updated within a CG framework. Pivotal to my analysis of the semantic structure of the genitive case is the notion of "deprofile", whereby an already profiled (i.e. most prominent) entity in a given predicate becomes unprofiled, to reduce the amount of attention drawn onto the designatum, making it conceptually less prominent. Specifically, the function of the genitive case in OE is to deprofile the profile of the nominal predicate to which the genitive inflection is attached. The crucial claim is that a genitive nominal is a nominal predicate, in that it still profiles a region in some domain, in accordance with the schematic characterisation of the semantic structure of a noun in CG. The nominal character of a genitive nominal means that it can occur in various syntactic contexts where any other nominal expression can occur, namely in a position for a verbal, adverbial, and prepositional complement, as well as in a modifier/complement position for a noun. This account ties in with the subsequent history of the genitive case after the end of the OE period, in which some of its uses became obsolete, especially the partitive function of adnominal genitive, and all functions of the adverbal, adjectival, prepositional genitives. The cumulative effect of this is that a genitive nominal ceased to be a nominal predicate, and its determinative character which had already existed in OE side by side with its nominal character, became grammaticalised during the ME period as a general function of a genitive nominal. Chapter l outlines the history of the genitive case from OE to early ME, to introduce the problems to be dealt with in this dissertation, particularly the diversity of the genitive functions. Reviews of some previous studies relevant to the problems are also provided. Chapter 2 and 3 introduce the framework of CG. Chapter 2 summarises some basic assumptions about grammar, and Chapter 3 focuses on how syntactic issues are dealt with in CG, based on the assumptions summarised in Chapter 2. Here I also introduce Langacker's (1991) and Taylor's (1996) account of a Present Day English possessive construction, using Langacker's reference point analysis, and examine its applicability to the OE genitive. As an alternative, the notion of deprofile will be introduced. Chapters 4 and 5 are the application to the actual examples of genitive nominals, taken from Ælfric's Catholic Homilies first series; Chapter 4 deals with adnominal genitive, and chapter 5 covers all the non-adnominal genitives. Finally, Chapter 6 discusses how the diversity of the genitive functions in OE and its subsequent history may be accounted for in the light of the findings in this study.

The topic of this dissertation is the stylistic application of Figurative Language Device in Baroque Homilie. As a material information source serves sermons focused on e.g. praise of St. John of Nepomuk. The dissertation drala with a concept of every single preacher writing in the last period of the Czech Baroque. The sermons date back to years 17271734. The opening part sum sup the basic features of historical the same as stylistic Baroque with specialization in Homilie. Furthermore, the work follows up the Figurative Language Devices in every Homilie. The goal of this work is to provide a charakteristic of Figurative Language Devices (e.g. simile, metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche, periphrasis, personification, oxymoron, allegory, symbol, allusion etc.). This dissertation aims to prove their importance and function in the Baroque Homilie in order to extend one's knowledge about Rhetorical Art of the Baroque Preachers.

This dissertation provides an English translation of Basil of Caesarea's sermon Homilia in divites based on Yves Courtonne's Greek text. I have included details of Basil's scriptural content in the notes. The searches to identify the scriptural content were done using LXX and GNT as databases and employing the search capabilities of Accordance Bible Software. Many scholars' comments on the sermon are also included in the notes. No English translation and annotation of Basil of Caesarea's sermon Homilia in divites has been available, though a devotional book with the translation appeared in 2009 after I began this project. As far as I know, Courtonne's 1935 French language version is the only commentary. While scholars have made assumptions about the date of the sermon, questions remain. I include details of a rigorous search to identify the date of composition which pulls together existing scholarly thought and an intricate search of internal data. I believe the sermon was written in 371 as Basil raised funds for his Basileiados. He invited a group of wealthy men to arrive early for a panegyris and delivered Homilia in divites in the days prior to the panegyris. Moreover, Basil's exegetical and theological writings have received much attention, while this sermon, which is neither overtly exegetical or theological, has only had limited study. Thematically, Homilia in divites is a sermon for Basil's and our times. He vividly describes the way God planned for wealth to be used: wealth is to be distributed not stored. Equally as vividly, Basil describes the consequences of storing wealth. / Religion

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Medieval rhetoric, as a field and as a subject, has largely been under-developed and under-emphasized within medieval and rhetorical studies for several reasons: the disconnect between Germanic, Anglo-Saxon society and the Greco-Roman tradition that defined rhetoric as an art; the problems associated with translating the Old and Middle English vernacular in light of rhetorical and, thereby, Greco-Latin precepts; and the complexities of the medieval period itself with the lack of surviving manuscripts, often indistinct and inconsistent political and legal structure, and widespread interspersion and interpolation of Christian doctrine. However, it was Christianity and its governance of medieval culture that preserved classical rhetoric within the medieval period through reliance upon a classic epideictic platform, which, in turn, became the foundation for early medieval rhetoric. The role of epideictic rhetoric itself is often undervalued within the rhetorical tradition because it appears too basic or less essential than the judicial or deliberative branches for in-depth study and analysis. Closer inspection of this branch reveals that epideictic rhetoric contains fundamental elements of human communication with the focus upon praise and blame and upon appropriate thought and behavior. In analyzing the medieval world’s heritage and knowledge of the Greco-Roman tradition, epideictic rhetoric’s role within the writings and lives of Greek and Roman philosophers, and the popular Christian writings of the medieval period – such as Alfred’s translation of Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, Alfred’s translation of Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, and the anonymously written Vercelli and Blickling homiles – an early medieval rhetoric begins to be revealed. This Old English rhetoric rests upon a blended epideictic structure based largely upon the encomium and vituperation formats of the ancient progymnasmata, with some additions from the chreia and commonplace exercises, to form a unique rhetoric of the soul that aimed to convert words into moral thought and action within the lives of every individual. Unlike its classical predecessors, medieval rhetoric did not argue, refute, or prove; it did not rely solely on either praise or blame; and it did not cultivate words merely for intellectual, educative, or political purposes. Instead, early medieval rhetoric placed the power of words in the hands of all humanity, inspiring every individual to greater discernment of character and reality, greater spirituality, greater morality, and greater pragmatism in daily life.