As parlamentares representam os interesses das mulheres? O estudo parte da hipótese, defendida por autoras da teoria política feminista, de que o aumento da representação política feminina nas instituições legislativas teria como consequência a formulação de mais e melhores políticas públicas voltadas para a promoção da igualdade de gênero. As pesquisas empíricas sobre a representação política das mulheres têm se dedicado com maior empenho à dimensão da representação descritiva, ou seja, à análise dos mecanismos de exclusão e à sugestão de alternativas para aumentar a quantidade de mulheres nos parlamentos. Um número menor de trabalhos tem se debruçado sobre a análise da representação substantiva das mulheres, cujo foco é o conteúdo da representação. Esta pesquisa possui propósito duplo: um teórico e outro empírico-descritivo. No plano da teoria política, a pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para o debate sobre a representação política feminina, com base na análise de caso do Congresso Nacional brasileiro, sob a perspectiva da representação substantiva. O segundo objetivo, de teor empírico-descritivo, é entender o papel da bancada feminina da Câmara dos Deputados na formulação e aprovação de projetos de lei relacionados à promoção da igualdade de gênero. A articulação desses dois objetivos acontecerá a partir da aferição empírica da atuação substantiva da bancada feminina e da introdução de distinções analíticas positivas que permitam problematizar e revisar os pressupostos normativos da teoria política feminista. Ao final, será apresentada uma tipologia que permitirá a classificação de proposições legislativas relacionadas à igualdade de gênero. / Do women parliamentarians represent women interests? The study is based on the hypothesis, advocated by authors of feminist political theory, that the increase in female political representation in legislative institutions would result in the formulation of more and better public policies for the promotion of gender equality. Empirical research on women\'s political representation have been dedicated to analyze the descriptive representation, i.e., the analysis of mechanisms of exclusion and alternatives to increase the number of women in parliaments. A smaller number of studies have been working on the analysis of the substantive representation of women, which focuses on the content of the representation. This research has dual purpose: one theoretical and other empirical-descriptive. In terms of political theory, the research aims to contribute to the debate on female political representation, based on case analysis of the Brazilian Congress, from the perspective of substantive representation. The second objective, empirical-descriptive, is to understand the role of the \"bancada feminina\" of the House of Representatives in the formulation and approval of bills related to the promotion of gender equality. The relationship between these two objectives will take place from the empirical assessment of the substantive work of the women\'s bench and from the introduction of positive analytical distinctions that allow discussing and revising the normative assumptions of feminist political theory. At the end, a typology for the classification of legislative proposals related to gender equality will be presented.

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An extensive literature examines how distributive (i.e., “pork barrel”) spending is allocated among congressional districts. Much of this research finds evidence that intra-chamber factors like ideology, party, and committee membership are the primary determinants of various forms of distributive spending. However, we know much less about how extra-chamber factors such as district-level demand and the economy impact the distribution of federal outlays. In this study, I find that district-level demand and variation in economic factors, in particular, income and unemployment, significantly predict the distribution of new bureaucratic awards in the 110th Congress. The results support the contention that districts get what they need, and this raises questions about the ability of members of powerful committees to steer awards selectively to their districts. It also provides evidence for the economic “law of increasing state activity,” by which districts with higher income levels receive a larger share of federal assistance.

This research investigates the Twitter network sphere of the 112th U.S. House of Representatives and the 18th Korean National Assembly members. Drawing from social network analysis, this study explores and compares structural characteristics of each legislative political network at diverse network levels – legislative, party and personal network. Mapping these networks highlights the major features of these two elite political networks grounded in a new social medium. Findings indicate that U.S. and Korean lawmakers have created and are enjoying affluent and multi-layered digital networks. Dynamic legislative-body networks, strong party networks, and a variety of personal networks with diverse partisan and bipartisan relationships demonstrate how politicians are agile at using new mediums. This research confirmed that these newly created legislative networks go beyond partisanship. Complicated structures demonstrate active and mutual interactions among lawmakers, and the political networks with large numbers of bipartisan tie relationships indicate that the political elite communicate, interact, and build relationships with each other rather than remaining disconnected or isolated. This research revealed new types of leaders – digital opinion leaders – emerging from newly created digital legislative networks: the most connected lawmakers; lawmakers who have great potential to coordinate party politics; the most sought after leaders; and most sociable lawmakers. By examining lawmakers’ patterns of relationship building in the network, this research tests whether these relationships are dependent on party position, ruling or opposition, in the network. In turn, this provides evidence for different uses of this new medium by party position in both legislative bodies. Detailed examination of Twitter use by political elites in Korea and the U.S. illuminate how this new media platform is being adopted by and changing politics in two distinct social and cultural settings. This new political arena, a fully digitalized and networked sphere where dynamic competition and cooperation occurs between political elites, has emerged as one of the political battlefields in politics today. / text

To understand the dynamics of legislative gridlock, as well as account for the mixed and often conflicting findings in the divided government literature, this paper posits that the previous unidimensional approach of using divided government as an explanatory variable of interest fails to accurately reflect the changing realities of American politics since WWII. Two new and interlocking conceptual approaches are introduced that expand the dimensionality of legislative gridlock: ideological polarization explained through the temporal shift of political parties from a party system of moderation and universalistic policy outputs, to one where particularistic goals became much more common. As studies of divided government center on temporally-bound concepts, they ignore most of the inter- and intra-party variation evident throughout the latter 20th century. / text

As parlamentares representam os interesses das mulheres? O estudo parte da hipótese, defendida por autoras da teoria política feminista, de que o aumento da representação política feminina nas instituições legislativas teria como consequência a formulação de mais e melhores políticas públicas voltadas para a promoção da igualdade de gênero. As pesquisas empíricas sobre a representação política das mulheres têm se dedicado com maior empenho à dimensão da representação descritiva, ou seja, à análise dos mecanismos de exclusão e à sugestão de alternativas para aumentar a quantidade de mulheres nos parlamentos. Um número menor de trabalhos tem se debruçado sobre a análise da representação substantiva das mulheres, cujo foco é o conteúdo da representação. Esta pesquisa possui propósito duplo: um teórico e outro empírico-descritivo. No plano da teoria política, a pesquisa se propõe a contribuir para o debate sobre a representação política feminina, com base na análise de caso do Congresso Nacional brasileiro, sob a perspectiva da representação substantiva. O segundo objetivo, de teor empírico-descritivo, é entender o papel da bancada feminina da Câmara dos Deputados na formulação e aprovação de projetos de lei relacionados à promoção da igualdade de gênero. A articulação desses dois objetivos acontecerá a partir da aferição empírica da atuação substantiva da bancada feminina e da introdução de distinções analíticas positivas que permitam problematizar e revisar os pressupostos normativos da teoria política feminista. Ao final, será apresentada uma tipologia que permitirá a classificação de proposições legislativas relacionadas à igualdade de gênero. / Do women parliamentarians represent women interests? The study is based on the hypothesis, advocated by authors of feminist political theory, that the increase in female political representation in legislative institutions would result in the formulation of more and better public policies for the promotion of gender equality. Empirical research on women\'s political representation have been dedicated to analyze the descriptive representation, i.e., the analysis of mechanisms of exclusion and alternatives to increase the number of women in parliaments. A smaller number of studies have been working on the analysis of the substantive representation of women, which focuses on the content of the representation. This research has dual purpose: one theoretical and other empirical-descriptive. In terms of political theory, the research aims to contribute to the debate on female political representation, based on case analysis of the Brazilian Congress, from the perspective of substantive representation. The second objective, empirical-descriptive, is to understand the role of the \"bancada feminina\" of the House of Representatives in the formulation and approval of bills related to the promotion of gender equality. The relationship between these two objectives will take place from the empirical assessment of the substantive work of the women\'s bench and from the introduction of positive analytical distinctions that allow discussing and revising the normative assumptions of feminist political theory. At the end, a typology for the classification of legislative proposals related to gender equality will be presented.

In this research, I analyze the effects of candidate nomination rules and campaign financing rules on elite recruitment into the national legislatures of Germany and the United States. This dissertation is both theory-driven and constitutes exploratory research, too. While the effects of electoral rules are frequently studied in political science, the emphasis is thereby on electoral rules that are set post-election. My focus, in contrast, is on electoral rules that have an effect prior to the election. Furthermore, my dissertation is comparative by design. The research question is twofold. Do electoral rules have an effect on elite recruitment, and does it matter? To answer these question, I create a large-N original data set, in which I code the behavior and recruitment paths and patterns of members of the American House of Representatives and the German Bundestag. Furthermore, I include interviews with members of the said two national legislatures. Both the statistical analyses and the interviews provide affirmative evidence for my working hypothesis that differences in electoral rules lead to a different type of elite recruitment. To that end, I use the active-politician concept, through which I dichotomously distinguish the economic behavior of politicians. Thanks to the exploratory nature of my research, I also discover the phenomenon of differential valence of local and state political office for entrance into national office in comparative perspective. By statistically identifying this hitherto unknown paradox, as well as evidencing the effects of electoral rules, I show that besides ideology and culture, institutional rules are key in shaping the ruling elite. The way institutional rules are set up, in particular electoral rules, does not only affect how the electorate will vote and how seats will be distributed, but it will also affect what type of people will end up in elected office.

Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de Moraes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T09:58:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mano_MairaKubikTaveira_D.pdf: 3225011 bytes, checksum: 166d3984f99020e04017db071d3f7587 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Nessa tese, investigo a atuação da Bancada Feminina na Câmara dos Deputados na 54a Legislatura (2011-2014). Considero as parlamentares que a integram como sujeitos posicionados do mesmo lado da divisão sexual do trabalho e que se agrupam para fazer uma oposição sistemática à sua inferioridade hierárquica socialmente construída. São também, contudo, um coletivo heterogêneo. Dessa maneira, debruço-me sobre sua atuação para compreender suas convergências, divergências e limitações / Abstract: In this thesis, I investigate the activities of the "Bancada Feminina" of the House of Representatives in the 54th Legislature (from 2011 to 2014). I believe parliamentarian women are positioned on the same side of the sexual division of labor and that they formed this group to make a systematic opposition to its socially constructed hierarchical inferiority. They are, however, a heterogeneous collective. Therefore, I research their actions in order to understand their similarities and differences, as well as their limitations / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutora em Ciências Sociais

Magister Educationis - MEd / Hierdie studie handeloor die aanwending van 'n trilogie van aksienavorsingsprojekte in 'n skool wat daartoe gelei het dat 'n outokratiese bestuurstyl in 'n koëperatiewe skoolbestuurstelsel verander is. Gegee die feit dat skoolbesluitneming grotendeels in die persoon van die skoolhoof gesentreer was, is daadwerklike pogings aangewend om alle betrokkenes in die besluitnemingsproses by Betel Skool vir Epileptici , Kuilsrivier, te betrek. Hierdie pogings het daartoe gelei dat die skoolhoof, personeellede, die Raad van Bestuur en die ouergemeenskap gesamentlike bestuurders van die skool geword het. Die gevolglike koëperatiewe skoolbestuur en gesamentlike verantwoordelikheid vir besluitneming het duidelik in veral die betrokkenheid van bestaande personeellede in die aanstelling van nuwe personeellede by die skool gemanifesteer. Waar hierdie verantwoordelikheid voorheen slegs op die skouers van die skoolhoof en die Raad van Bestuur gerus het, is personeellede met behulp van aksienavorsing in hierdie benoemingsproses betrek en vind geen aanstelling van personeellede tans plaas sonder die insette van die huidige personeel nie. Hierdie tesis beskryf voorts hoe die skool 'n eis van die Departement van Onderwys en Kultuur (Raad van Verteenwoordigers) gehanteer het dat dertien onderwysers geïdentifiseer moet word wat op 7 Augustus 1991 aan 'n protesoptog deelgeneem het. Dié opdrag is geïgnoreer en die Departement is met 'n georkestreerde teenreaksie van die skoolhoof, die personeel en die Raad van Bestuur gekonfronteer. Aksienavorsing is weer eens aangewend om hierdie intimiderende en hooghandige opdrag van die Onderwysdepartement wat die potensiaal gehad het om die dertien onderwysers te isoleer en aan die moontlikheid van ernstige dissiplinêre stappe bloot te stel, ter syde gestel te kry Hierdie werk toon dat dit moontlik is om met behulp van aksienavorsing, fundamentele veranderings in die bestuur van In skool aan te bring, te help met die demokratisering van besluitnemingsprosesse, die verskillende betrokkenes by die skool te bemagtig en nuwe betekenis te gee aan wat in die kantoor en klaskamers van die skool plaasvind.

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