The goal of this thesis is to demonstrate the presence of a fourth-century controversy surrounding the second-century Christian martyr Ignatius of Antioch. Scholars are well acquainted with the Ignatian controversy of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. This thesis will show that many years before there existed another controversy over Ignatius of Antioch. During the fourth century, representatives of both Nicene and non-Nicene Christologies sought to conscript Ignatius in order to defend their understanding of orthodox Christianity. I will expose this nasty fight via the narrative found in the next five chapters. In the opening chapter, I will marshal textual evidence that leads to the conclusion that the Ignatian middle recension is riddled with textual alterations introduced by proponents of Nicene Christology. In chapters two and three, I will argue that the Ignatian long recension represents a response to these Nicene alterations by a Non- Nicene individual or party that possessed a Christology compatible with the Ekthesis Macrostichos creed of Antioch 344. I will demonstrate that both the Ignatian long reension and the Macrostichos understand Jesus to be equal with God as well as subordinate to God. Chapter four will catalogue the embrace of Ignatius of Antioch by a variety of fourth-century Christian leaders, with a focus on the Nicene Athanasius of Alexandria and the non-Nicene Eusebius of Caesarea. The concluding chapter will direct attention to John Chrysostom‟s sermon In sanctum Ignatium martyrem. The evidence leads me to conclude that by the end of the fourth century Ignatius of Antioch had become such a controversial figure that Chrysostom felt the need to defend Ignatius‟ character before he could put forth Ignaitus as a model for Antiochene Chrisitans to emulate. There has been much scholarly work devoted to Ignatius of Antioch and there has been much scholarly work devoted to the Arian controversy. Until now, this personality and this controversy have not been brought together for close inspection.

A passagem dos séculos I e II d.C. assistiu ao desenvolvimento de um cristianismo dinâmico na província romana da Ásia Proconsular, na costa egeia da Ásia Menor. Concomitante à ascensão política e econômica da região no contexto do Mediterrâneo em pleno Alto Império Romano, as comunidades cristãs locais apresentam um prolífico quadro doutrinal e ritual, o qual lhes confere destaque e as torna destinatárias da maior parte do curto epistolário de um personagem histórico tão marcante quanto enigmático: Inácio de Antioquia, que afirma ser o supervisor da igreja presente na grande metrópole síria, e que passa pela Ásia acorrentado a um pelotão de soldados, rumo à capital romana, para lá ser supostamente executado na arena. As cartas de Inácio sugerem a existência, em comunidades presentes em centros urbanos importantes da província, de um corpo de líderes fixos, dentre os quais destacando-se a figura de um único supervisor, do qual o prisioneiro defende a autoridade sobre todos os cristãos de uma mesma cidade. Uma análise de documentos datados de antes da composição do breve epistolário inaciano não oferece, contudo, bases para a afirmação de uma perenidade de tal forma de governo das comunidades cristãs asiáticas. Ao invés, uma leitura atenta das fontes aponta para um processo social de ligeira alteração dos referenciais de autoridade, de modo que, sobretudo após a morte do apóstolo Paulo de Tarso (principal fundador do cristianismo na Ásia Proconsular), um valor singular é dado a líderes homens que sejam reconhecidos publicamente como bons chefes de households. Nesse processo Inácio de Antioquia procura tomar parte, de modo a solidificar a autoridade do supervisor por meio de um incremento do alcance de seu controle social: ele prega, com autoarrogada autoridade profética, que o encarregado da supervisão da comunidade seja visto como a própria representação da figura divina e patriarcal de Deus Pai, e que apenas sob ele uma reunião ritual pode ser considerada válida. / The transit from the first to the second century CE saw the development of a dynamic Christianity in the Roman province of Asia Proconsularis, on the Aegean Asia Minor coast. Concomitant to the political and economic ascension of the region in the context of the Mediterranean, in plain Early Roman Empire, the local Christian communities show a prolific doctrinal and ritual frame, which give them highlighted status, and make them the recipients of most of the short epistolary of a historical character so outstanding as enigmatic: Ignatius of Antioch, who claims to be the overseer of the church in the great Syrian metropolis, and which goes through Asia bonded to a band of soldiers in way to the Roman capital, where he should, supposedly, be executed in the arena. The letters of Ignatius suggest the existence, in communities existent in the provinces main urban centers, of a group of fixed leaders, from which is detached the figure of the sole overseer. This overseers authority, the prisoner says, is extended over all the Christians living in a same city. However, an analysis of the documents dated from before the composition of the short Ignatian epistolary, do not offer basis to the affirmation of perennial status of such a way in governing the Asiatic Christian communities. To the contrary, a careful reading of the sources directs to a slight social process of change in the references of authority, in such a way that, especially after the death of the apostle Paul of Tarsus (main founder of Christianity in Asia Proconsularis), a special value is given to men leaders publicly recognized as good household chiefs. Ignatius of Antioch attempts to have a part in this process with the aim of solidifying the authority of the overseer by incrementing the range of his social control; he preaches, with selfproclaimed prophetic authority, that the one charged with community overseeing should be seen as the very representation of the divine and patriarchal figure of God the Father, and that only under him a ritual reunion could be considered as valid.

A passagem dos séculos I e II d.C. assistiu ao desenvolvimento de um cristianismo dinâmico na província romana da Ásia Proconsular, na costa egeia da Ásia Menor. Concomitante à ascensão política e econômica da região no contexto do Mediterrâneo em pleno Alto Império Romano, as comunidades cristãs locais apresentam um prolífico quadro doutrinal e ritual, o qual lhes confere destaque e as torna destinatárias da maior parte do curto epistolário de um personagem histórico tão marcante quanto enigmático: Inácio de Antioquia, que afirma ser o supervisor da igreja presente na grande metrópole síria, e que passa pela Ásia acorrentado a um pelotão de soldados, rumo à capital romana, para lá ser supostamente executado na arena. As cartas de Inácio sugerem a existência, em comunidades presentes em centros urbanos importantes da província, de um corpo de líderes fixos, dentre os quais destacando-se a figura de um único supervisor, do qual o prisioneiro defende a autoridade sobre todos os cristãos de uma mesma cidade. Uma análise de documentos datados de antes da composição do breve epistolário inaciano não oferece, contudo, bases para a afirmação de uma perenidade de tal forma de governo das comunidades cristãs asiáticas. Ao invés, uma leitura atenta das fontes aponta para um processo social de ligeira alteração dos referenciais de autoridade, de modo que, sobretudo após a morte do apóstolo Paulo de Tarso (principal fundador do cristianismo na Ásia Proconsular), um valor singular é dado a líderes homens que sejam reconhecidos publicamente como bons chefes de households. Nesse processo Inácio de Antioquia procura tomar parte, de modo a solidificar a autoridade do supervisor por meio de um incremento do alcance de seu controle social: ele prega, com autoarrogada autoridade profética, que o encarregado da supervisão da comunidade seja visto como a própria representação da figura divina e patriarcal de Deus Pai, e que apenas sob ele uma reunião ritual pode ser considerada válida. / The transit from the first to the second century CE saw the development of a dynamic Christianity in the Roman province of Asia Proconsularis, on the Aegean Asia Minor coast. Concomitant to the political and economic ascension of the region in the context of the Mediterranean, in plain Early Roman Empire, the local Christian communities show a prolific doctrinal and ritual frame, which give them highlighted status, and make them the recipients of most of the short epistolary of a historical character so outstanding as enigmatic: Ignatius of Antioch, who claims to be the overseer of the church in the great Syrian metropolis, and which goes through Asia bonded to a band of soldiers in way to the Roman capital, where he should, supposedly, be executed in the arena. The letters of Ignatius suggest the existence, in communities existent in the provinces main urban centers, of a group of fixed leaders, from which is detached the figure of the sole overseer. This overseers authority, the prisoner says, is extended over all the Christians living in a same city. However, an analysis of the documents dated from before the composition of the short Ignatian epistolary, do not offer basis to the affirmation of perennial status of such a way in governing the Asiatic Christian communities. To the contrary, a careful reading of the sources directs to a slight social process of change in the references of authority, in such a way that, especially after the death of the apostle Paul of Tarsus (main founder of Christianity in Asia Proconsularis), a special value is given to men leaders publicly recognized as good household chiefs. Ignatius of Antioch attempts to have a part in this process with the aim of solidifying the authority of the overseer by incrementing the range of his social control; he preaches, with selfproclaimed prophetic authority, that the one charged with community overseeing should be seen as the very representation of the divine and patriarchal figure of God the Father, and that only under him a ritual reunion could be considered as valid.

Michael Servetus (1508 - 1553) and Emanuel Swedenborg (1688 - 1772) are both considered heretics. They share many concepts about the nature of God, especially their rejection of orthodox Nicene and Chalcedonian theology. This thesis explores their respective theologies relating to the Trinity and Christology, with speculation of what sources they may have had in common. While attention is paid to Ignatius, Irenaeus and Tertullian, particular attention is paid to Tertullian, whose work Adversus Praxean lays the foundation of Servetus' ideas and has much in common with Swedenborg's theology. In light of their similarity to Tertullian, the question is asked if Servetus and Swedenborg would have been called heretics prior to Nicaea. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)

La synodalité paraît être aujourd’hui un thème très actuel, tant pour le dialogue théologique bilatéral entre les Églises catholique et orthodoxe, qu’à l’intérieur de chaque Église. Le pontificat du pape François a mis l’accent sur la synodalité et l’Église orthodoxe vient de réaliser son Grand et Saint Concile (Crète, juin 2016). Le Concile Vatican II en 1964 a promulgué la doctrine de la collégialité épiscopale (les évêques constituent un collège qui succède au collège des Douze Apôtres), doctrine qui devait rapprocher les ecclésiologies catholique et orthodoxe. Cependant, les théologiens orthodoxes ne se sont pas retrouvés dans cette doctrine. Cinquante ans après sa promulgation, on remarque par ailleurs que la mise en œuvre de la collégialité épiscopale dans l’Église catholique est plutôt limitée. Cette étude a tenté de confronter les notions de collégialité épiscopale et de synodalité épiscopale, en vue d’une compréhension commune, entre catholiques et orthodoxes, de la place des évêques au sein de l’Église entière. Partant du constat que la synodalité épiscopale, comme l’entendent les orthodoxes, ne coïncide pas avec la doctrine de la collégialité épiscopale comme elle a été formulée au concile Vatican II, le présent travail s’est penché sur les fondements de cette dernière, afin de rechercher comment la tradition commune originelle des deux Églises conçoit la synodalité épiscopale. Le retour aux sources communes, à savoir bibliques, patristiques et dogmatiques, est proposé comme la base d’une entente sur les questions du ministère épiscopal et de la synodalité des évêques. Une telle entente s’avère indispensable afin d’aborder d’autres questions controversées, notamment celle de la primauté romaine. / Synodality seems to be a very current topic, both for the bilateral theological dialogue between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches, and for each individual Church. The pontificate of Pope Francis has emphasized synodality and the Orthodox Church has just convened its Great and Holy Council (Crete, June 2016). The Second Vatican Council in 1964 promulgated the doctrine of episcopal collegiality (the bishops are organized in a college which succeeds the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles), a doctrine which was to bring closer Catholic and Orthodox ecclesiologies. However, the Orthodox theologians did not appreciate the value of this doctrine. Fifty years after its promulgation, it is also noted that the implementation of episcopal collegiality in the Catholic Church is rather restricted. This research attempts to compare the notions of episcopal collegiality and episcopal synodality, exploring a common understanding between Catholics and Orthodox of the place of the bishops within the whole Church. For Orthodox theologians, episcopal synodality does not coincide with the doctrine of episcopal collegiality, as it was formulated during the Second Vatican Council. This research focused on the common tradition of the two Churches regarding episcopal synodality. The study of common sources, namely biblical, patristic and dogmatic, is proposed as the basis for an agreement on the issue of episcopal ministry and the synodality of bishops. Such an agreement is essential to address other issues, especially that of the Roman primacy.

Michael Servetus (1508 - 1553) and Emanuel Swedenborg (1688 - 1772) are both considered heretics. They share many concepts about the nature of God, especially their rejection of orthodox Nicene and Chalcedonian theology. This thesis explores their respective theologies relating to the Trinity and Christology, with speculation of what sources they may have had in common. While attention is paid to Ignatius, Irenaeus and Tertullian, particular attention is paid to Tertullian, whose work Adversus Praxean lays the foundation of Servetus' ideas and has much in common with Swedenborg's theology. In light of their similarity to Tertullian, the question is asked if Servetus and Swedenborg would have been called heretics prior to Nicaea. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)

L’objet principal de cette étude théologique est le témoignage dans le ministère sacerdotal, analysé à partir du verset Ac 1, 8 . Le milieu antiochien a été privilégié. Il donne l’unité aux textes bibliques et patristiques qui constituent les sources de la thèse. Le témoignage autorisé confié aux apôtres par Jésus Ressuscité s’exprime davantage dans l’enseignement et la liturgie que dans le gouvernement car il ne cesse pas avec la dépossession. De Paul à Ignace et Jean Chrysostome, toujours en référence aux textes prophétiques et à la parole du Christ,on voit s’élaborer une théologie du sacerdoce comme témoignage. / The main purpose of this theological research is to show the testimony in the priestly ministry. Our approach based on the words from Acts 1:8. Biblical and Patristic texts constitutes the sources of the thesis, it is the Antiochian environment that is emphasized and that grants unity to the corpus. The authorized testimony entrusted to the Apostles by Jesus is expressed more in the teaching and the liturgy than in the government because it does not cease with the dispossession. From Paul to Ignatius and John Chrysostom, referring to the prophetic texts and the Word of Christ, we see the development of a theology of the priesthood as testimony.

The objectives of this study is to investigate how the church has changed over time, with focus on how modernity has influenced the church’s construction of its identity through martyrs’ texts, and to contribute to theory development through analysis. The study takes its theoretical starting point in Rowan Williams perspective on history as stories we tell to understand who we are. My main question is: how are changes in the church’s identity reflected in texts of martyrs from two historical periods? This question is answered through comparative analysis of texts written by martyrs from both the early church and the twentieth century, focusing on how the martyrs interpret and describe their coming martyrdom and suffering. Ignatius of Antiochs letters together with the prison narrative from The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas is compared to texts by Dietrich Bonhoeffer and by four trappist monks from Algeria: the brothers Luc, Paul, Christophe and Christian.  Six motifs are identified as common in the martyrs’ texts regarding their interpretation of martyrdom and its suffering:  1.    Suffering as freedom and liberation, 2.    the transformative suffering, 3.    suffering and martyrdom as argumentation, 4.    suffering as communion with God, 5.    the martyr’s suffering as the special path, 6.    and martyrdom as combat. Changes within these motifs are identified between the historical periods. Central differences between the texts involve a recurring shift from a transcendental to immanent interpretive framework, a movement from power to powerlessness and an increased focus on humanity and mankind in the modern era. The image of God has changed: from identification with the risen powerful Christ, the martyr rather identifies with the incarnated, suffering, serving, powerless and dying human Jesus in the modern era. The self-image of the martyrs has changed: the modern martyrs see themselves not becoming anything other than human, and instead becoming more human through her suffering and martyrdom. The political potential and hope have also changed: powerlessness is premiered, the martyr’s own guilt as human beings replaces the demonization of the other, and the change the martyrs hope for is in the immanent realm of humanity for the common well of all mankind in modern times. These changes can only to some extent, but not fully, be explained and understood by Charles Taylors theory on modernity and suffering presented in his A Secular Age (2007) and Byung-Chul Hans theory on modernity and suffering as discussed in his Palliativsamhället (2021). The immanent frame, the process of disenchantment and the anthropocentric shift helps to understand some of the differences between the eras.  But both Taylor’s and Han’s basic thesis is that suffering is impossible to handle and by default meaningless and negative in the modern west, and that suffering in modernity has lost all its political and societal dimensions that previously could result in the fight for political change, and that there is no possibility to maintain a Christian belief in God whilst suffering. This is by this study proven to be incorrect. The modern martyrs, and the church in the modern era reflected through the texts of the martyrs, is influenced by but not synonymous with the modernity pictured by Taylor and Han. They are not non-modern, but neither do they repeat the same interpretations and theology as their precursors in the early church. Instead, we see in them the expression of a renewed Christian identity. The modern martyrs in this study have, through theological creativity, recontextualized and reinterpreted their faith informed by the experience of modernity as pictured by Taylor and Han. The church has changed over time and it shows through the martyrs accounts and interpretations of their suffering and martyrdom. The renewed identity, both anthropocentric and theocentric, formed through creative theological recontextualization, has made it possible to maintain a Christian belief in God, a hope for a better world and a sense of meaning midst suffering, in the modern era. Taylor’s and Han’s theories about the secularization of the church’s identity and the modern west have not happened in practice.

Michael Servetus (1508 - 1553) and Emanuel Swedenborg (1688 - 1772) are both considered heretics. They share many concepts about the nature of God, especially their rejection orthodox Nicene and Chalcedonian theology. This thesis explores their respective theologies relating to the Trinity and Christology, with speculation of what sources they may have had in common. While attention is paid to Ignatius, Irenaeus and Tertullian, particular attention is paid to Tertullian, whose work Adversus Praxean lays the foundation of Servetus' ideas and has much in common with Swedenborg's theology. In light of their similarity to Tertullian, the question is asked if Servetus and Swedenborg would have been called heretics prior to Nicaea. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)

Michael Servetus (1508 - 1553) and Emanuel Swedenborg (1688 - 1772) are both considered heretics. They share many concepts about the nature of God, especially their rejection orthodox Nicene and Chalcedonian theology. This thesis explores their respective theologies relating to the Trinity and Christology, with speculation of what sources they may have had in common. While attention is paid to Ignatius, Irenaeus and Tertullian, particular attention is paid to Tertullian, whose work Adversus Praxean lays the foundation of Servetus' ideas and has much in common with Swedenborg's theology. In light of their similarity to Tertullian, the question is asked if Servetus and Swedenborg would have been called heretics prior to Nicaea. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Church History)