In 1945 the Australian Government created the Department of Immigration. Its purpose was the promotion of a solution to Australia’s limited natural population growth in the face of defence fears and of an Australian society which, using the voices of its politicians, was increasingly willing to depict itself as an isolated and threatened British outpost. The fears themselves revolved as much around the defence of a singularly British heritage in terms of political, social and economic institutions, as a purely geographical or military threat. While the “threat” was more often perceived as assuming an Asian or non-European identity, Australians also had a history of feeling socially insecure when confronted by “non-British groups” within their own shores; the extent of that insecurity varying according to more specific ethnic categorisations within the general “non-British” label (i.e. northern c.f. southern Europeans, western c.f. eastern Europeans). The significance of the post-war period is that within two years of the formation of an Immigration bureaucracy by a party which had traditionally been hostile to immigration, an immigration programme had also begun to be formulated which would eventually allow, encourage, and financially assist, the introduction of groups which, traditionally, were depicted as posing the very threat to Australian homogeneity which immigration had been posited as assuaging.

New Zealanders’ motivations for migrating to Australia and the effect of migration on their cultural and national identity were examined through analysis of interviews and surveys with New Zealand migrants and stayers. Factors influencing the move included economic pull factors, lifestyle factors, family reunification, some dissatisfaction with New Zealand society, the desire for a change, and a sense of adventure. Participants reported a high level of satisfaction with their new lives in Australia, and once resident there, initial motivating reasons merged with factors which reinforced and justified the decision to move. These included the benefits of a warmer climate, the perception that Australia was a more relaxed and tolerant society, and the belief by Maori that living in Australia freed them from negative stereotypes.New Zealand migrants to Australia revised their identity in light of their new experiences, and yet continued to view New Zealand positively, retaining aspects of their New Zealand identity as part of their ongoing evolving identity. However, while feeling at home in both countries, as time went on many migrants adopted a more Australian identity. Over time, they considered Australia was superior in a number of respects, and adapted and changed in response to Australian influences. Despite this, migrants maintained the boundary between New Zealand and Australian characteristics through a process of constant comparisons and, somewhat ambivalently, retained their strong positive regard for New Zealand. In the main, participants considered they could be happy in either country, but were happier in Australia. Migrants constructed positive reasons to justify their move and viewed themselves as adventurous and determined, while stayers constructed equally positive reasons for staying in New Zealand, seeing themselves as settled and stable.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Bibliography. Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1927. / Vita. Without thesis note. Bibliography: p. 355-371.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1927. / Vita. Without thesis note. Bibliography: p. 355-371.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Commonwealth University, 2006. / Prepared for: School of Nursing. Bibliography: leaves 112-122. Also available online via the Internet.

Diss.--Geschichtswissenschaften--Universität Hamburg.

Phénomène majeur de la France contemporaine, l’immigration n’a pas toujours été massive : ce fut le cas notamment sous la IVe République. Plusieurs études sur l’immigration ont abordé cette période, mais jamais en tant que telle. C’est ce manque que cette thèse a pour objectif de pallier : il s’agit d’aborder cette tranche de l’histoire de l’immigration en France de manière totale. Tout en retraçant au préalable les caractéristiques du fait migratoire de l’époque, ce travail traite de la politique mise en place par l’État ; elle s'intéresse, en changeant de point de vue, aux attitudes de l’opinion publique face aux immigrés, enfin, elle se focalise sur le devenir des immigrés eux-mêmes, en particulier sur la manière dont les politiques et attitudes nationales influèrent sur la marche de leur intégration. L’axe de problématisation principal retenu est le suivant : la IVe République, dans l’histoire de l’immigration en France, représente-t-elle une rupture, ou suit-elle une ligne déjà amorcée antérieurement ? Il s’agit en effet de mettre en perspective cette période, en analysant les héritages des structures, des hommes, des idées provenant de l’entre-deux-guerres et de la France de Vichy. Cette démarche se situe donc à la croisée de l’histoire des mouvements migratoires et des idées, de l’histoire sociale, économique, et culturelle ainsi que de la démographie historique. / Immigration, a major phenomenon in French contemporary history, has not always been massive, as the case of the Fourth Republic shows. Several studies on immigration broached this period, but none focused specifically on it. This dissertation thesis aims at filling this gap: its purpose is to analyze this period of French immigration globally. After depicting the characteristics of immigration at that time, the thesis deals first with State policy. It adopts thereafter a different point of view and analyzes public opinion’s attitudes towards migrants. Finally, it focuses on the migrants themselves, and looks particularly at how national policies and attitudes influenced their integration. The central issue consists in assessing whether the Fourth Republic marked a break with the tendency of former immigration history, or whether it perpetuated the ancient line. The dissertation puts this period into perspective, by analyzing the legacy of structures, agents and ideas inherited from the interwar period and Vichy France. It is therefore situated at the crossroad between history of migration and of ideas, social, cultural and economic history, as well as historical demography.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University. / The "wetback" and bracero episodes of 1930-1960 had their origins in the Quota Act of 1921. The Act, as amended, limited immigration to 150,000 annually and established quotas based on the national origins of the population of the United States. It thereby cut off large-scale immigration from Southeastern Europe. The "wetbacks" who gained their name from their surreptitious and successful attempts to ford the Rio Grande and thus slip illegally into the United States, occasioned no serious problems in the 1930's; during the depression years only a few Mexicans crossed the border and sought work in American fields at harvest time. The American involvement in World War II, however, impelled a substantial displacement of American farm workers; the "wetback" traffic accelerated proportionately. The War's end did not check the swelling influx of illegal entrants. The number grew steadily, prior to 1954, until it approximated 1,200,000 annually. Most members of the migratory labor force, remaining in the United States only during the crop-growing season, returned each year to their homeland. Not more than a small percentage attempted to remain permanently north of the border. [TRUNCATED]

Comment appréhender le sens socio-politique de l'officialisation de la catégorie d'inspiration démographique « immigré » dans le cadre du lancement de la politique d'intégration au début des années 1990 ? Telle est question à laquelle cette thèse s'efforce de répondre au travers d'une sociologie foucaldienne de la quantification de l'immigration en tant que population. Ce travail en vient ainsi notamment à formuler l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'enrôlement du savoir démographique participe, dans le cadre du travail de réorganisation de la production des statistiques publiques en matière d'immigration entrepris entre 1990 et 1997 au sein du groupe « Statistiques » attaché au HCI (Haut Conseil à l'intégration), à la formalisation statistique d'une représentation cognitive de l'immigration en tant que séries d'agrégats totalisés et temporalisés d'individus par et dans leur mobilité juridico-légale. Replaçant notamment le processus de mise en catégorie de l'« immigré » en vis-à-vis de l'élaboration d'une méthode comptable de mesure des flux annuels d'immigrations et des tentatives de pré-formater l'exploitation d'AGDREF (Application nationale pour la gestion des dossiers des ressortissants étrangers en France du ministère de l'Intérieur), cette recherche suppose et propose de substituer à l'analyse du processus socio-historique d'objectivation du critère de l'« origine », celle des logiques dispositives de sécurisation (statistique) des flux. / What is the socio-political meaning of the category of “immigrant” that the French integration policy officialised in 1990? The thesis uses a foucaldian sociology of quantification of immigration as a population to answer this question. The mobilization of a demographic knowledge, in the context of the reform of immigration statistics by the “Statistic” Group of the HIC between 1990 and 1997, leads to the formalization of a cognitive representation of immigration, as series of totalized and temporalized aggregates of individuals, from and in their juridical and legal mobility. In particular, we compare the process of categorization of the “immigrant” to a calculative method measurement of annuals flows of immigrations, as well as to the attempts to format the processing of AGDREF. This allows to switch from the analysis of socio-historical processes that objectivates the “origin” criteria, to an analysis in terms of (statistical) securitization of flows.