China and India, demographically being the two largest countries in the world, are together accounting for more than a third of the world’s total population. This makes the Sino-Indian relationship critical not only for those living in China and India, but for the whole world. Regardless of a history filled with conflicts and a contemporary competition over regional influence have the two Asian powers managed to increasingly deepen their economic ties. Even though the relationship seems to be moving in a more peaceful direction of mutual understanding and cooperation, it is still a very fragile relationship. The focus of this research lies in the contemporary Sino-Indian relations, which aims to understand the role trade and cooperation have had in moving the attention away from security-related issues on to more positive fields. The empirical observations that will be tested in the case of Sino-Indian relations are the border dispute at Arunachal Pradesh and the political and economic interdependence. Together these will represent the empirical foundation of the research, which will be tested and interpreted by the neo-realist and neo-liberal perspective. The concluding remarks on the research is that trade and cooperation unlikely is the main factor in the Sino-Indian relationship, preventing or reducing attention from being given to security-related issues, but should rather be seen as the foundational source on which a process towards confidence-building measures, institutions, mutual interests and a political goodwill has been established.

This essay attempts to fill some of the gaps in our knowledge of Corral's public life, especially for the period of his vice-presidency. It is divided into three parts, covering Corral's career in state and national politics and in exile.

China and India relations changed tremendously after the Cold War. Economic development is the utmost priority at the end of the Cold War, deriving from recognition that international competition is shifting from military confrontation to overall economic, scientific, and technological capabilities. Therefore, the two countries appeared to recognize the futility of confrontation, and moves to rebuild confidence proceeded apace. With an emphasis on seeking co-operation in other areas of mutual benefit, both sides agreed to break the impasse on the boundary question and to maintain peace and stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). This positive spirit was reflected in the signing of Confidence-building measures (CBMs) and Trade Protocol which helped develop better mutual understanding. But India feels uneasy to observe China's rising economic and military capability across East Asia, because the 1962 War had cast long shadows in their elite¡¦s memory. New Delhi is concerned about China¡¦s assistance to Pakistan¡¦s nuclear and missile program, and offer military weapons to Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar by far. New Delhi has always viewed any China, Pakistan and Myanmar¡¦s relationship as a scheme to strangle or restraint India¡¦s strategic throughout the Indian Ocean. Thus India drive for defense modernization focuses on strategic forces, especially its acquisition of certain high-profile naval ships and systems, and prepared to assert its interests to counter the rise in Chinese interest there. Moreover, India spreads China threat when China rising across East Asia that reinforced the worry of China¡¦s neighbors about China¡¦s power spread through their countries. It is obvious that one of the reasons why ASEAN was keen to bring India into the regional affairs was the concern with China. Therefore, India proceeds to more bilateral exchanges and boost economic, even military exercises with each Southeast Asian country. Furthermore, Indian continued hosting of the Tibetan government in exile to counter China support of the Pakistan. The study focuses on : India and China, the two most populous nations on earth, how these two emerging great powers manage their cooperation and competition in the coming years will have a major impact on regional security. The purpose of this research is from the perspective realism of geopolitics approach to analyze the factors of Sino-Indian competition and cooperation, as well as analysis the two countries historical conflict and evolution toward potential cooperation and quiet competition currently.

Between 1500 and 1800, Spaniards and their Native allies captured hundreds of Apache Indians and members of neighboring groups from the Rio Grande River Basin and subjected them to a variety of fates. They bought and sold some captives as slaves, exiled others as prisoners of war to central Mexico and Cuba, and forcibly moved others to mines, towns, and haciendas as paid or unpaid laborers. Though warfare and captive exchange predated the arrival of Europeans to North America, the three centuries following contact witnessed the development of new practices of violence and captivity in the North American West fueled by Euroamericans’ interest in Native territory and labor, on the one hand, and the dispersal of new technologies like horses and guns to American Indian groups, on the other. While at times subject to an enslavement and property status resembling chattel slavery, Native peoples of the Greater Rio Grande often experienced captivities and forced migrations fueled more by the interests of empires and nation-states in their territory and sovereignty than by markets in human labor. / text

With the passage of years a succession of families called Cove Fort their home. Members of these households served as agents for the facility and supervised its operation. A view of the personalities and occurrences associated with the various occupants is a necessary part of understanding that which has transpired at the site. The purpose of this thesis has been to gather and record that information which is currently available on the subject of the Fort. Each succeeding year diminishes the prospects of preserving certain valuable aspects of the history of that establishment which have not been previously committed to writing or made generally accessible to the would-be examiner.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyzes the Indian Air Force's (IAF) robust modernization campaign and explores why the IAF is on the path to transforming itself from an air force dedicated to air defense to one capable of global force projection. The stunning examples of airpower in the two Gulf Wars, Kosovo, and Afghanistan proved to the Indian leadership the value of modern airpower. Thanks to the amazing growth of the Indian economy, the IAF is gradually acquiring the weapon systems characteristic of a global aerospace force. Pakistan and China are concerned about the motivations behind IAF's modernization efforts and already have begun to improve their own air capabilities in response to any conventional or nuclear contingency. The responses of Pakistan, in particular, indicate the lowering of the nuclear threshold in South Asia. On the other front, a potential arms race between India and China is anticipated. The United States may be able to neutralize the damaging effects of India's military build-up by increasing its arms exports to both India and Pakistan. Specifically, the sale of American F-16s to both countries would fortify bilateral relation with the United States, maintain the fragile security balance in South Asia, and minimize China's influence in the region. / Captain, United States Air Force

自1978年以來，中國走上了改革開放的道路，伴隨著連年高幅度的經濟成長，國際地位大幅上升，讓中國從自19世紀以來的羸弱走向富強，「中國崛起」這個概念，已經被當前世界各國普遍接受。而正當眾人的目光置於中國崛起的同時，印度也同樣有著突出的表現。若中國是繼美國以後，下一個有能力主宰世界的強權，那印度則就是在中國之後下一個潛在的強國繼任者。做為毗鄰而居的兩個發展中國家，同時又是新崛起的大國，中、印關係受到全世界的矚目，中、印關係對於區域的發展、穩定，乃至於國際權力結構的變化而言，其重要性更是不言可喻。 長久以來，研究中、美或中、俄等大國關係的文獻可謂汗牛充棟，但對於中、印關係的探討卻沒有相稱的比例。面對美國國力的逐漸衰頹，新興的強權將逐挑戰它既有的霸權地位，而這兩個擁有廣大市場及發展潛力的國家，都剛好有著此般的潛能。在可預見的未來，中、印關係的發展趨勢，必將是重要的研究課題。 面對中國崛起所帶動的區域經貿整合與發展，印度調整了對中國的外交方略，以務實的合作取代長期不友好的競爭關係，並從政治、軍事、經貿甚至逐漸外溢至能（資）源、反恐乃至於氣候變遷等非傳統安全等領域，兩國的合作態勢趨於明朗與頻繁；而就另一方面來看，源自於雙邊互信不足以及結構性矛盾，中、印兩國即使逐步走向合作，但仍舊是競爭關係要較合作關係來的顯著，除了戰略利益上的衝突促使兩國互踏對方的門戶外，美、俄、日等大國間在東亞的競逐，使得中、印間看似的和睦更摻雜了複雜的變數。 鑒於此，本研究嘗試以中國崛起做為背景，希能歸整出中、印兩國在傳統乃至於非傳統安全領域裡，競爭與合作關係的趨勢與消長，並藉由梳理中、印間的競合態勢，預測兩國未來的關係走向。 / Since 1978, China has been on the path of reform and opening-up, accompanied by yearly significant economic growth, as well as fast rising international status. This has enabled China to shed her image as a morbid state since the nineteenth century, and stride toward wealth and prosperity. The concept, “The Rise of China”, has been widely accepted around the globe. But as all eyes are on rising China, India is also a country that has an equally outstanding performance. Supposedly China is the next power capable of dominating the world after the US, then India is the next potential power following the steps of China. China and India, as two adjacent developing countries and rising powerhouses, have the international attention riveted on their relations. It is self-evident that the relations between the two countries is highly important to regional development, regional stability, and even to the structural change of international powers. Over the long term, publications regarding Sino-American relations, and Sino-Russian relations have arguably been abundant. Yet, there is an unproportionally scarce amount of discussion of Sino-Indian relations. With US’s power on the decline, emerging powers will, one after another, challenge US’s current dominance. And the two states, both blessed with a large market and the potential for development, happen to be the potential challengers. In the foreseeable future, the development of Sino-Indian relations will undoubtedly be an important issue for study. Facing the regional economic integration and development brought forth by the rise of China, India has adjusted her diplomatic strategy to China by replacing long-term hostile vying relations with down-to-earth cooperation. The cooperation between the two countries, which has extended from politics, military, economic and trade, to non-traditional security fields such as energy / resources, counter-terrorism, and climate change, has become increasingly clear and frequent. From another aspect, owing to the lack of mutual trust and the structural conflict between the two sides, China and India, though walking toward cooperation, remain more of two competitors than two partners. Aside from territorial invasions caused by the conflict on strategic interest between China and India, the competition in East Asia between world powers such as the US, Russia, and Japan has complicated the seemingly peaceful Sino-Indian relations with uncertainties. Judging from the fact mentioned above, this study attempts to, with the rise of China as the backdrop, sort out the trend as well as the rise and fall of Sino-Indian cooperation in traditional security fields and non-traditional security fields. This study also attempts to predict China and India’s future relations by combing through the cooperation and competition between the two countries.

The topic of this thesis is the analysis of the work of the acclaimed Hindi writer, essayist and translator Nirmal Varma (1929-2005), especially his relationship towards Czechoslovakia, where he lived from the end of the 1950's until 1968. The work will be based to a great extent on primary literary and archival sources. Special emphasis will be laid on literary works situated in the then Czechoslovakia, as well as on texts which have been influenced by his Czechoslovak experience. Apart from the analysis of Varma's writings, the thesis will also concentrate on his translations of Czech authors into Hindi. In his later literary and essayist works Varma looked at the relationship of India and Europe as two distinctive cultural entities. The work will seek to introduce Varma's view of Europe and his stay in Czechoslovakia in a broader cultural and historical context.

In July of 1853, Chief Wakara's band of Utes clashed in a series of violent confrontations with the Mormon settlers. This conflict is known as the Walker War. Many complex factors contributed to this war. After some earlier violence between Mormons and different bands of Utes between 1847 and 1851, the Mormons continued their quick expansion settling on Ute lands. From 1851 to 1853 Mormon and Ute relations continued to decline as Mormons expanded their settlements occupying Ute hunting grounds. In addition to these land encroachments, new laws were enacted regulating trade between the Spanish and Utes by Brigham Young. The most notable regulation on trade prohibited the Spanish and Ute slave trade. All these trade regulations hurt the Ute economy, particularly the most powerful equestrian Ute band, the Cheverets led by Chief Wakara. In the spring of 1853 Governor Brigham Young ordered out the state militia to arrest Mexican traders and to capture Wakara for engaging in the slave trade. Wakara had previously established a friendly relationship with Young and had invited the Mormons to settle his lands in Sanpete. Wakara had become committed to peaceful relations and cooperation with Young and the Mormon people. Wakara remained true to his desire for friendly relations even after seeing his economic status undermined by Mormon settlers. Young as well was committed to staying on peaceful terms with the Utes. Their followers, on the other hand, had difficulties overcoming the cultural divide. After the murder of a member of Wakara's band in July of 1853 by settler James Ivie, Wakara's band waged a series of raids against Mormon settlements. Wakara himself, however, was not involved in the war and continually tried to sue for peace. The war has been mislabeled with Wakara's name; he was not really involved in the violence. Yet it was indeed a war. The war had a great impact on the Mormon settlers. Settlers abandoned their homes and had to move into forts. For the Mormons involved, this conflict was neither small nor inconsequential; it was a major disruption involving a great portion of the Utah Territory.

The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18 September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992. The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of levels of analysis. The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti- Israeli foreign policy. In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel. In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model. Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests, namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries. In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the two countries. / International Politics / D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))