Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Delaware, 2006. / Principal faculty advisor: Daniel Green, Dept. Political Science & International Relations. Includes bibliographical references.

Securing the interactions between plants, animals, microorganisms and the physical environment forms the foundation of sustainable development (Global Biodiversity Strategy, World Resources Institute, 1992). Facing the ongoing depletion of the natural resources, new strategies to ensure biodiversity conservation were developed. The establishment of protected areas by governmental authorities rarely led to successful results, in terms of environmental protection and social justice (Alcorn, 1993). A shift of thinking in the 1970s allowed the conservationists to see the indigenous peoples no longer as barrier to biodiversity conservation but as the holders of complex and historical knowledge of the natural environment. Consequently, partnerships were developed between governments and indigenous communities within the protected areas. This study investigates the results of the creation of partnership, whether it is a good means to achieve biodiversity conservation or not, and under which conditions it can be successful. It also aims to find the perceived benefits and potential limitation of cooperation. Through the analysis of two case studies: the World Heritage site in Laponia, Sweden and the Kaa-Iya del Gran Chaco National Park in Bolivia, the study finds that partnership for biodiversity conservation is utterly related to social and political claims: because a successful partnership cannot be imposed from above, a process towards indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination must be initiated.

Over two billion people are currently living in poverty (less than $2 a day) around the world. 15 percent of this group is of indigenous backgrounds. Similar to the overall composition of the world, 10 percent of Latin America’s population is indigenous, yet one quarter is living on less than $2 a day. Approximately forty years ago the modern day microfinance movement began in Bangladesh and has since spread throughout the world. Microfinance strives to provide financial services to those who do not have access to the traditional financial sector. Making capital available helps alleviate poverty by providing the poor with credit and other financial services that can help generate income through smart investments. Bolivia and Peru currently have the most advanced microfinance sectors, which is in large part attributed to the financial reforms of the 1990s. However, regardless of the quality of the microfinance sectors in Bolivia and Peru, the indigenous people remain untouched by their services. Specifically, the Quechua and the Aymara, who live in the highlands of the Andes and around Lake Titicaca, are among the poorest people in both countries. The Quechua and the Aymara would greatly benefit from access to microfinance by utilizing their traditional cultures to make income-generating businesses.

Thesis (M.A.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006. / Theses (Dept. of Psychology) / Simon Fraser University. Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

Project (M.P.P.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006. / Theses (Master of Public Policy Program) / Simon Fraser University. Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

Project (M.P.P.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006. / Theses (Master of Public Policy Program) / Simon Fraser University. Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

Project Thesis (D. Min.)--Denver Seminary, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [200]-206).

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009. / Title from file title page. Gregory C. Lisby, committee chair; Kathryn Fuller-Seeley, Svetlana V. Kulikova, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 22, 2010. Includes bibliographical references (p. 158-167).

A very well-known concept indicates that the Kakataibo Indigenous Peoples are composed of seven communities, and the Camano who is the group of people that retain full control of their relationships with the outside world. In academia, the Camano and Indigenous Peoples who live in a similar situation to the Camano are labeled “Isolated Indigenous Peoples” or “Uncontacted Tribes,” among other names. The goal of this research is to challenge classical anthropology’s conception of the Kakataibo as a single unit, in order to bring another line of the existence of the Camano peoples. Based on my research, my argument is twofold. First, I argue that the conception that states the Kakataibo are a single unit did not exist among the Kakataibo in the past, and in the present moment this sense of belonging is not clear either. Second, I argue that the Camano that supposedly belong to the Kakataibo is a different group from the Kakataibo, based on the oral histories of Sinchi Roca’s past. The Sinchi Roca community is one of the seven current Kakataibo communities, that have “contact” with the outside. In other words, I argue that if the Kakataibo is composed of the seven communities plus the Camano, this and one of seven communities –the Sinchi Roca- rejects belong to the same group as the Camano means that the Kakataibo has a different composition from the coined by classical anthropologists. My argument is supported by a historical analysis of the following three aspects of the Kakataibo: language, territory, and their response to their encounters with the “white man.” The approach to these three issues allowed me to explore the complexity of the relationship between the Sinchi Roca Kakataibo community and its “isolated” counterpart. Despite the fact that this investigation does not indicate who the Camano are, it does reveal some aspects of the relationship that exists between the Kakataibo and the Camano. In effect, because we cannot meet with the Camano, I analyze the oral history of Copai, a Camano man captured by missionaries in the 1950’s – 1960’s. His accounts reveal aspects about the Camano. Copai was held in the Sinchi Roca community, and lived there until his death. In short, through this investigation I offer an alternative to understanding the Kakataibo and their relationship to the Camano. / text